Science Of Dreams Essays - Dream, Neurophysiology, Sleep

Study Of Dreams The Science of Dreams A fantasy is a showcase, generally visual, that happens during the night while we snooze request to manage and asses the things that we have managed during the day. A fantasy is a recalled buildup as imaginatively collected visual metaphors(Guiley). In 1900 Sigmund Freud wrote in The Interpretation of Dreams that fantasies are camouflaged wishes emerging from ones oblivious psyche. Having been smothered by the cognizant psyche, the desires sneak into the resting cerebrum as dreams. Due to electoencephalograph machine that recorded the quick eye development during rest and examination into the physical idea of dreaming, Freud's hypothesis has been generally refuted. There is no conclusive answer with respect to what a fantasy is. There is a furious discussion over the neuroscientific perspective and the psychoanalytical perspective about what it is that really causes dreams. In the following not many sections I will take a gander at the proposed answers from both the neuroscientific and psychoanalytical The way toward dreaming begins in the mind stem and is constrained by two synapses that in influence turn the fantasies on and of. The one that turns the fantasies on utilizes acetylcholine to start the fantasy, and the part that kills the fantasy employments norepinephrine and serotonin to end the fantasy sequence.When the norepinephrine and serotonin are stifled, the other substance, acetylcholine permits electrical signs to the cortex. Norepinephrine and serotonin are important to engrave the fantasies into your long term memory. This may clarify why we overlook most we had always wanted. Since the two synthetic compounds are stifled during the dreaming procedure, most dreams are not put away in the long haul memory of our brains. The cerebrum stem neurons additionally start a sinusoidal wave known as theta mood the hippocampus, a mind structure that seems as though an ocean horse which is accepted to be liable for the capacity of memory. While this occurs, the nerves that normally convey data from our general surroundings shut down(Guiley). On the off chance that the fantasy occurs during the REM period of rest, the individual dozing will experience an expanded pulse and a transitory loss of motion. To keep the sleeper from showcasing the fantasy, the mind freezes the solid movement. Trials have been finished on felines where the nueral strands that freeze the development during REM rest were expelled. This brought about the felines strolling around and carrying on there dreams. A few individuals do carry on there dreams. This issue can be treated by a medication called Clonazepam which is additionally used to treat epilepsy. Dreams are distinctive as indicated by when the fantasy happens according to the period of rest. During the REM phase of rest and at different occasions or non-REM rest. There are four phases of rest. As the sleeper experiences the phases of rest the cerebrum waves decline in recurrence. After the sleeper experiences the four phases of rest, the sleeper revisit the phases until they are back in stage one. This stage bone is known as the Developing Stage One. This is the time wherein the greater part of the REM dreaming happens. In mid 1953 is the point at which the physical study of dreams truly started when specialists at the University of Chicago found physical signs like fast eye development and cerebrum wave designs that flagged that fantasies were in progress. Generally the entirety of the examination since at that point has concentrated on the REM phase of rest. All warm blooded animals, and even a couple of feathered creatures and reptiles experience the REM phase of rest. In people as we get more established less time is spent in the REM phase of rest. Hatchlings invest generally the entirety of their energy in the REM stage and new borns spend a normal of eight hours every day in REM rest. 50% of rest of babies and little kids is spent in REM rest. Grown-ups rest is typically around twenty percent REM rest, and for more established individuals just fifteen percent of rest is spent in the REM phase of rest. Numerous researcher accept this is on the grounds that that REM rest has an impact in the learning procedure and is increasingly significant for the more youthful sleepers(Ackroyd). Eventhough REM rest has gotten the entirety of the consideration with regards to investigate, it must be remebered that we don't simply dream in the REM stage. NREM are the fantasies that are generally increasingly coherent and are bound to

Adidas Product Life Cycle

Adidas Product Life Cycle The item life cycle idea may apply to our item, Adidas Deep Energy Deodorant. The item life cycle idea encourages our showcasing supervisors to design promoting techniques to address the difficulties that our items are probably going to confront. Items life cycle can be isolated into a few phases which incorporate presentation stage, development stage, development stage and decay stage. Presentation stage shows little or even no deals and the organization make no benefit. At the point when the Adidas men profound vitality antiperspirant is presented, deals will be low until clients become mindful of the item and its advantages. This stage includes bunches of research, consumption and arranging are required. Publicizing expenses of our antiperspirants item are high during this phase so as to rapidly build client consciousness of the item and to focus on the early adopters. During the presentation stage, we are hoping to bring about extra costs related with the underlying conveyance of the item. These greater expenses fixed with a low deals regularly make the presentation stage a time of negative benefits. Development stage During development stage, the business increment due to pulling in more rivalry into the market. Comparative items fires come up and we need to concentrate on upper hands which can be value decrease, esteem included highlights or some different developments. Benefits ascend because of an expansion in yield and maybe better costs. At this stage, it is less expensive for Adidas to put resources into upgrade their piece of the overall industry just as getting a charge out of the general development of the market. Development stage In the development stage, deals of our item development moderate and conventional rivalry show up. We may upgrade our antiperspirant item highlights to separate the item. The selling cost may begin to disintegrate under serious cost. In this stage, rivalry is solid as organizations challenge to keep up their piece of the overall industry. The Maturity Stage is when most benefit is earned by the market all in all. Some use on innovative work is probably going to be controlled to our antiperspirant item alteration and improvement and to improve creation effectiveness and quality. Decrease stage In the Decline Stage, the market is lessening, diminishing the general aggregate of benefit that can be imparted to different contenders. Decay stage show up for certain reasons the deals of our antiperspirant item begin diminishing, the reasons can be some new and better decisions or reducing request. At this stage, we need to deal with our item cautiously. It might probably remove some creation cost, to move creation to a less expensive office, sell the item into other less expensive markets. Center Product Adidas Deep Energy antiperspirants for Men give the shoppers the new, woody aroma. This profound vitality antiperspirant for men is liquor based, and gives fantastic enemy of bacterial definition to buyers. It helps in keeping the under-arms new throughout the day, and furthermore encourage in diminishing sweat levels. Also, it helps in deactivate the microbes, and thusly guaranteeing zero stenches. This antiperspirant gives extraordinary security against sweat and scent. This range has been created in light of competitors to give the most ideal assurance against sweat and smell. It additionally lessening capacity of microbes to raise in this way disposes of a perspiration smell. Genuine item The brand name of our item is Adidas Men Deodorant Clear Stick, Deep Energy. The selling cost of it is RM8.90. Bundling configuration assumes a pivotal job in assisting with imparting the picture of the item. Dark is a shading decision for the bundling. They likewise utilized a hard holder to accentuate the game soul in the item. 3 oz and 85g of a jug with an inclined dark plastic flip-top cover structure to its highest point. It is produced for competitors, extraordinary invigorating scent, and 24 hours new force remain. The promotion for the Adidas antiperspirant includes the three folks playing ball under the sparkling blistering sun. Bafflingly their appearances are not appeared, nor the hues that they wear and stay mystery. There is only the picture of them playing ball. With the nearness of the blurring orange foundation, it appears as though these folks have been playing throughout the day. The shading plan of the promotion is exceptionally dull. In the center through the ad, on the correct hand side, there is an image of the Adidas profound vitality antiperspirants that the purchaser can look over. Increased item Things considered piece of the increased item incorporate assurance, guarantee, client assistance, availability just as integral item. Assurance offers an affirmation of the item will perform up to desires and if not the organization advertising the item will bolster the clients choice to supplant, fixed or return for a discount. Guarantee gives clients the insurance that frequently stretches out past the assurance time frame to cover fix or substitution of our antiperspirants item. Client support comprises of additional administrations that help the requirements of clients including offering preparing and assist utilizing with calling or on the web. Hence, clients of our item can take care of their concern by utilizing these. Corresponding Products is the estimation of some item buys can be improved with add-on items, for example, things that make the primary item simpler to utilize. For example, little spread sack blessing with the antiperspirant which shoppers can convey without any problem. Improves styling or offers usefulness which will pull in more clients to purchase our antiperspirants item. Openness is the way clients get the item can influence its apparent worth relying upon the fact that it is so natural to acquire, the speed at which it very well may be gotten, and the chance its accessible when required. We can gracefully our antiperspirant items to those accommodation stores, for example, Guardian, Watson, 7-eleven, and markets, etc. With the goal that clients could acquire our antiperspirants item as simple and accessible when required.

Signs and Symptoms of Bulimia in Teenagers

Signs and Symptoms of Bulimia in Teenagers Eating Disorders Symptoms Print Signs and Symptoms of Bulimia in Teenagers By Kathryn Rudlin, LCSW Medically reviewed by Medically reviewed by Steven Gans, MD on February 27, 2019 Steven Gans, MD is board-certified in psychiatry and is an active supervisor, teacher, and mentor at Massachusetts General Hospital. Learn about our Medical Review Board Steven Gans, MD Updated on June 22, 2019 More in Eating Disorders Symptoms Treatment Diagnosis Awareness and Prevention Bulimia nervosa is a type of eating disorder characterized by repeated episodes of binge eating followed by behavior to compensate for the excessive amount of food consumed. This can include purging, fasting, over-exercising or the abuse of laxatives and diuretics to prevent gaining weight. The cycle of overeating and then purging can become compulsive, in some ways similar to an addiction to drugs. Illustration by JR Bee, Verywell   Incidence of Bulimia in Teens The prevalence of bulimia cases in young females is estimated to be around 1 percent to 1.5 percent. However, a European study found the expression of the core symptoms of anorexia and bulimia to be present in up to 12 percent of females over the course of their lifetimes. Most people who have bulimia are female, but males can certainly struggle with this disorder. In fact, there is likely an underreporting of the condition, especially in males. This eating disorder can be triggered by stress, ineffective dieting, or as an attempt to deal with painful emotions or impaired body image. Purging behaviors make bulimia very harmful to the body. If you have any concerns your teen may be suffering from bulimia seek a professional evaluation from a physician or mental health professional. Signs  and Seeking Help Early intervention improves the chances for a teens successful recovery from an eating disorder. It may be hard to face the signs of bulimia in your teen, but its important to be vigilant in ensuring your childs eating patterns are normal. It may be helpful for you and your teen to talk with your teens primary care physician about eating disorders, the signs you may be noticing, and potential ways to help. Bulimia Discussion Guide Get our printable guide for your next doctors appointment to help you ask the right questions. Download PDF There is cause for concern if you witness one or more of the following symptoms of bulimia: Eating a significantly larger amount of food in a limited period of time than most people would typically eat, known as bingeing.Feeling unable to control or stop eating once a binge starts.Continuing to eat even if feeling uncomfortably full.Expressing frequent concerns about body weight or shape.Experiencing feelings of guilt, shame or anxiety after eating.Purging food from the body after overeating to avoid gaining weight and as an attempt to regain a sense of control.Skipping meals or going on extreme diets to make up for bingeing behaviors.Extreme fear of gaining weight.Using breath mints to cover up after vomiting.Unreasonably discontent with body size or shape.Abnormal or abusive use of diet pills or diuretics over time for weight control.Spending lots of time in the bathroom, usually throwing up.Excessive exercise, at inappropriate times or settings, or even when sick or injured. The Impact of Bulimia on Troubled Teens Bulimia can have a devastating impact on teens. Its important to educate yourself and your teen about the harmful effects of bulimia on the body, mind, and soul. While a full recovery from the physical effects of bulimia can be had, the mental and emotional effects can last a lifetime. Here are the major health consequences of bulimia: Mineral or electrolyte imbalancesAbnormal bowel functionDestruction of tooth enamelBroken blood vessels in the eyesAnemiaBecoming moody or depressedSubstance abuseHormone problemsDizzinessFatigueRupturing in the esophageal wall due to vomitingCardiac arrestDeath Criteria for Bulimia Diagnosis

Management Week 6 Quiz - 1073 Words

Week 6 Knowledge Check Concepts Mastery Score: 13/13 Questions Differences Between a Firmà ¢s Social Obligation, Social Responsiveness, and Social Responsibility 100% 1 2 3 Green Approaches/Shades of Green Model 100% 4 5 6 Factors to Determine Ethical Behavior 100% 7 8 9 Ways Managers can Encourage Ethical Behavior 100% 11 12 13 10 Concept: Differences Between a Firmà ¢s Social Obligation, Social Responsiveness, and Social Responsibility Concepts Differences Between a Firmà ¢s Social Obligation, Social Responsiveness, and Social Responsibility Mastery 100% Questions 1 2 3 1.As a university student, your institutionà ¢s social principles†¦show more content†¦It is a social obligation in that the organization is acting legally responsible but not going beyond that. Concept: Factors to Determine Ethical Behavior Concepts Factors to Determine Ethical Behavior Mastery 100% Questions 7 8 9 10 7.At the ________ level of moral development, a personà ¢s choice between right and wrong is based on personal consequences from outside sources. A. preconventional B. conventional C. principled D. elevated Correct! The correct answer is: A. At the preconventional level, an individual looks to those things on the outside, instead of having an internalized value system in making decisions. 8.At the ________ level of moral development, ethical decisions rely on living up to the expectations of others. A. principled B. conventional C. conscientious D. preconventional Correct! The correct answer is: B. At this second level, individuals are moving beyond basing right from wrong on external factors. However, the individual is focused on ensuring that he or she is doing what others expect. 9.In which of the following stages of moral development do individuals value the rights of others and uphold absolute values and rights, regardless of the majorityà ¢s opinion? A. Preconventional stage B. Conventional stage C. Principled stage D. Established stage Correct! The correct answer is: C. At the principled level, an individual moves away from what others think of asShow MoreRelatedProj 420 Coursework Guide Week 1 - 7696 Words   |  3 Pages420 Coursework Guide Week 1 - 7 Purchase here http://devrycourse.com/proj-420-coursework-guide-week-1-7 Product Description (PROJ 420 Project Risk Management) PROJ 420 Week 1 Course Project Assignment; Project Topic Proposal and Outline PROJ 420 Week 1 Discussion 1 Why Should We Practice Risk Management PROJ 420 Week 1 Discussion 2 The ATOM Risk Management Process PROJ 420 Week 2 Course Project Assignment; Project Sizing and Stakeholder Analysis PROJ 420 Week 2 Discussion 1 The InitiationRead MoreCourse schedule IST7100 1 1 1589 Words   |  7 PagesStudents develop an understanding of the strategic use of information technology from a business perspective at the enterprise level. 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Sweat Shops Essay - 1199 Words

THESIS ESSAY ASSIGNMENT What is a sweatshop really? Well the American Heritage Dictionary defines a sweatshop as a shop or factory in which employees work long hours at low wages under poor conditions. If someone had heard this definition of sweatshops they would go straight to the assumption that sweatshops are not good. But they do have some good in them. They keep workers away from bad things such as prostitution and crimes. They also boost the countries economy and give them a means of survival. Thats what sweatshop defenders would say which is not completely true. Not only do sweatshop workers not get enough money to feed themselves and their families, they are subjected to exploitation, and horrible working†¦show more content†¦This has to be looked at logically as well. If Im scrounging for food in a dumpster, someone must be eating the food that ends up in the dumpster. Someone must have a job producing wages to buy food. All food in the dumpster comes from food on plates. If this was not t rue, the food would not be in the dumpster in the first place. The same argument applies to prostitution. When no one has money to pay, you cant be a prostitute. The prostitute must get money. Where is that money coming from? There must be jobs producing money somewhere in the local economy. One must logically conclude that some sort of economy is operating long before the sweatshop factory ever arrives. If this was not true, there would be no people alive to work in the sweatshop. Secondly sweatshops are good because the countries economy goes up. But this is not completely true. Even though they are getting paid sweatshop workers and child laborers are trapped in a cycle of exploitation that rarely improves their economic situation. Since multinational corporations are constantly pressuring suppliers for cost- cutting measures, workers most often find conditions getting worse instead of better. The economy would improve by increasing wages just buy a couple of cents. For example, instead of receiving just 1.6 cents for each baseball cap workers sewed, they would earn about 3 cents. The caps are sold for $17 in the U.S.A. and Canada. AnShow MoreRelated Nike Sweat Shops Essay707 Words   |  3 PagesNike Sweat Shops I am writing this letter to express my concerns over Nikes labor practices in Asia. There has been much debate and controversy recently concerning Nikes Asian labor practices. It is very difficult to determine which side of the argument to defend, as both acknowledge the problems yet put a completely different spin on the facts. I will try to show that Nike has created a cloud of smoke in Asia that the public cannot see through. Nike does not own any of the factories thatRead MoreSweat Shops in Mexico Essay882 Words   |  4 PagesMexico dependency on the United States hinders them. 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A dictionary definition of a sweatshop is â€Å"a shop or factory in which employees work for long hours at low wages and under unhealthyRead MoreThe Task Of Composing A Descriptive Essay1310 Words   |  6 PagesRecently, my Composition I teacher assigned the class the task of composing a descriptive essay. This led me to the question, â€Å"what is a descriptive essay?† What topic could I possible write about for three whole pages? What have I done, seen, or experience that could fill these three long pages? My life thus far has been quite sheltered, so this has created quite the dilemma for me. Being that I am supposed to be descriptive, I feel the need to describe the stress that this has created for me. MyRead MoreEssay on The Immigrant Experience: The Anguish of Becoming American1732 Words   |  7 PagesThis made it a little easier for him to find a job, and bring in money. Jade Wongs father had his own business, and this made money for the family (more than a sweat shop lob). This also provided a job opportunity for Jade. Not all of the immigrants owned their own business. Harry Roskolenkos (Jewish) father worked in a sweat shop. This not only physically made it harder for the family but, in his fathers old age, it mentally broke him down as well. Money was only one of many factors thatRead MoreWho Are the Winners and Losers of a Consumer Society Essay example1512 Words   |  7 PagesEssay Plan Introduction General statement on the question, who are the winners and losers of a consumer society? Main body Who are the winners in a consumer society? Tesco’s are they a major player? How supermarkets use their power of seduction. Out of town shopping, how influenced are we? Power – supermarket wars Cheap labour Who are the losers in a consumer society? The seduced and repressed. 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Succubus Shadows Chapter 19 Free Essays

â€Å"Real,† I gasped out. â€Å"That was†¦real. Seth didn’t give in to temptation. We will write a custom essay sample on Succubus Shadows Chapter 19 or any similar topic only for you Order Now Seth stayed with Maddie.† â€Å"Maybe,† said One. The instinct to claw his eyes out rose within me, strong and sudden. It was animal and rash – and impossible since I had no form here. It was an urge I’d had on more than one occasion with the Oneroi. â€Å"True. It was true.† This was like a child’s game with them, over and over. Or maybe the true/false section on the SAT. Circles. Circles. My life was a circle. â€Å"And Jerome†¦Ã¢â‚¬  The end of the dream came to me where my boss had spirited Seth away. â€Å"He’s coming for me. He took Seth. They’re going to do that ritual. Erik’s going to set it up.† â€Å"Yes. And he’s going to fail.† â€Å"No, he won’t,† I cried. Every ounce of me had become desperation: voice, mind, soul. â€Å"Jerome will come for me. He’ll save me.† â€Å"No one is coming for you,† said Two. â€Å"They will try, but they will fail.† Again, they sent me back to my world, and as much as I yearned for familiar faces, the doubt and uncertainty the Oneroi kept bringing up filled me with a despairing kind of confusion. I was at Erik’s. And apparently, so was everyone else. His store had a large back room used for storage that I’d only once caught a glimpse of. It reminded me of a garage, with unfinished cement floors and plain drywall on the sides. A small table held a bowl of burning incense that made the air hazy. The edges of the room were stacked with boxes and crates that appeared to have been shoved to create an empty space around the edge of the room. Also along the edges was the Seattle immortal club: Hugh, Cody, Peter, Carter, and even Mei. Roman was probably there too, hidden because of Mei. In the center of the room, Erik was drawing chalk patterns on the floor. Jerome stood nearby, and Seth hovered uneasily between them and my friends along the wall. I think he was having a hard time deciding who was safest. If not for Mei, he probably would have chosen my friends. Mei watched Erik and Jerome with disapproval, her nearly black eyes narrowed and brick-red lips pursed. At last, she uncrossed her arms and strode toward the center, her stiletto heels clicking loudly against the cement. Seth scurried out of her way, retreating to the safety of my friends. â€Å"This is ridiculous,† Mei said. â€Å"You’re wasting everyone’s time. Even with all of them† – she gestured to the wall gang – â€Å"it’s not enough to bring her back. You need to report it and get another succubus.† â€Å"I report it, and there’ll be another archdemon here too.† Jerome cut her a look. â€Å"I’m kind of surprised you haven’t done that already.† Good point. As his underling, Mei obeyed him, but she was ambitious. If Jerome got in trouble for losing me, it could be to her advantage. â€Å"I don’t need to,† she said flatly. â€Å"You’ll be telling them yourself soon. Why do I have to be here? I have no connection to her.† â€Å"Because I told you to! Stop arguing.† Jerome glared at her, and the two demons locked gazes. At last, Mei gave a sharp nod, but it didn’t seem like she gave in because of his authority. It was more like he’d communicated something, and she was acknowledging it. She returned to the side of the room, opposite my friends now. Erik had to lean and get on his knees for a lot of his chalk work, something that had to be agony on his back. With a sigh, he finally stood up and examined his design. It showed two large concentric circles, filled and surrounded with a number of arcane symbols. Some I knew; some I didn’t. Jerome studied the pattern too, and for the first time ever, my boss looked†¦nervous. â€Å"Is it ready?† he demanded. Erik nodded, one hand absentmindedly rubbing his back. â€Å"Barring the spell itself, yes.† Jerome’s eyes fell on Seth, who flinched. â€Å"You,† said the demon. â€Å"Come here.† Seth eyed the pattern almost as uneasily as Jerome had. â€Å"What will happen to me?† â€Å"It won’t kill you, if that’s what you’re worried about. And you can leave the circle whenever you want. Now stop wasting time.† I didn’t like hearing Jerome boss Seth around. It stirred up those coals of rage that had been burning within me lately. I even grew angry seeing Seth obey; I kind of wanted him to defy Jerome. A moment later, I tried to banish such thoughts. I needed to save my fury for the Oneroi, not this group. Surely Jerome wasn’t lying. Carter, who’d remained quiet throughout all of this, would have called Jerome on it. I hoped. Seth walked over to Jerome’s side, careful not to step on any of the chalk lines – like how superstitious people avoid cracks on sidewalks. Erik gave Seth a small smile. â€Å"He’s right, Mr. Mortensen. This won’t hurt you. Though it will be†¦strange.† Mei suddenly went rigid again. â€Å"Him? That’s all you’re using? Jerome, one person can’t – â€Å" â€Å"Enough!† roared Jerome. â€Å"I’m tired of listening to everyone backtalk me. Can we get on with this?† Erik nodded and walked over to the table with the incense. There was also a small bowl of water and a long, roughly hewn piece of stone. Smoky quartz, I thought. Erik picked it up carefully, reverently. He pushed the tip of the wand into the smoldering incense, and then held it up so the smoke could swathe it. A couple seconds later, he dipped the wand’s end into the water. When that was completed, he began carrying the wand to the circle. â€Å"Wait,† Carter suddenly said. He straightened up from where he’d been slouching against some boxes. â€Å"I’m going in too.† â€Å"You’re all crazy,† muttered Mei. â€Å"She has a point,† said Jerome. â€Å"If you’re in here – â€Å" â€Å"I know, I know,† said Carter, stepping over the lines to join Jerome. â€Å"And I also know what might come out.† The two of them looked at each other, more silent messages passing, and then neither spoke again. Erik returned to the circle’s center, holding the wand up high. Both Carter and Jerome had moved as far from the humans as possible without crossing the inner circle. As Erik’s arms reached heavenward, he suddenly didn’t seem like a weak old man. True, his body was frail and growing gaunter every day, but as he stood there and began chanting, he became so much more than human. Dante was a better magician when it came down to it, but Erik wasn’t without his own power, even if rarely used. If I’d been there in the flesh, I would have felt the magic he was summoning. Knowing it was there almost made me believe I could see it. He finished his chant, spoken in words I only knew a little of, and then walked around the circle. He touched it in four spots with the wand, all equidistant from each other. The instant his wand touched the fourth spot, every immortal in the room suddenly flinched and looked uncomfortable – even the greater ones. Seth mostly looked confused. As a disconnected observer, my view was like Seth’s. I saw nothing happen either. But I realized then that if I’d been there, I would have felt what all the other immortals had as well. Erik had locked the circle, slamming invisible walls into place. All magical circles were different, but he’d told Seth that he could cross out – meaning this was a circle to keep only immortals in. It wasn’t exactly like a summoning. Summonings required massive amounts of magic because they were enslaving an immortal against his or her will. This circle was a prison too, but it required less magic because the immortals had entered it by choice. Jerome and Carter had just knowingly allowed themselves to be entrapped. This was why he wanted Mei around. For an unscrupulous magic user – say, like Dante – this was a golden opportunity. Two imprisoned greater immortals? It had infinite possibilities for a magician. Whatever Erik was doing here, I didn’t believe he’d abuse this situation. But Jerome, being a demon, didn’t trust anyone. Jerome had wanted Mei on hand to do some smiting if Erik wouldn’t release his prisoners. Of course, she would be powerless to do anything until Erik left the circle – which he’d have to do eventually. If they were all trying to rescue me, though, Erik couldn’t have created this circle with the intent of trapping Jerome and Carter specifically. The angel’s words came back to me: I also know what might come out. Erik stood in front of Seth, who was growing more nervous by the second. The strain in Erik’s face showed the power he was keeping in check. He couldn’t play kindly old man right now, but he did what he could. â€Å"Do you care about Miss Kincaid?† he asked Seth. â€Å"Do you want to save her?† â€Å"Yes,† answered Seth swiftly. â€Å"Then you must think about her. Focus every ounce of your being on her. Imagine her. Cry out for her. There must be no other thoughts in your head – only her.† Seth looked puzzled but nodded. Erik turned to Jerome and Carter. â€Å"And you must stop him from going in entirely. You can’t enter yourselves, but you can keep him here. You have to, or you’ll lose both of them.† Erik waited for no acknowledgment from the angel and demon. He held up his wand again and touched Seth on his forehead, both cheeks, and chin. Seth shivered. â€Å"Remember,† said Erik. â€Å"When the gate opens, think of her. Only her. Reach for her. And when you find her, do not let go.† â€Å"Gate?† asked Seth. â€Å"What – â€Å" But Erik was chanting again, and a wind emerged out of nowhere, ruffling the hair of those in the circles. His voice grew more and more powerful, and then – I was back with the Oneroi. â€Å"What happened?† I exclaimed. For the millionth time, I wished I could beat on the walls of my prison. I wanted to claw their eyes out again. I wanted to choke them. â€Å"Show me what happens!† â€Å"Failure,† said One. â€Å"They won’t succeed,† added Two. â€Å"The demoness was correct. A dozen humans who loved you couldn’t reach you, let alone – â€Å" He stopped speaking. His eyes met One’s, and then both glanced around as though searching for something. I tried to see what they saw or heard, but there was nothing for me. Only blackness and silence. Then, I felt the stirring of another dream coming over me. The dark world started to go blurry, and both Oneroi jerked their heads toward me. â€Å"No!† exclaimed Two, extending his hand. Everything grew clear again. I didn’t dream. I stayed where I was. Georgina. My name. For the first time in – well, I had no idea how many days – I heard something that wasn’t the Oneroi. It was so faint, a whisper lost on the wind. My name. One of them, at least. I couldn’t tell where it came from, but every part of me tried to focus on it, to figure out its origin. Georgina. â€Å"Yes?† I said aloud. â€Å"I’m here!† The world grew blurry again. I didn’t hear my name, but it was like the siren song all over again. Music without sound, colors without description. â€Å"Stop this!† cried One. I had never heard the Oneroi raise their voices. They always spoke in those low, sly tones. But they were pretty upset now. â€Å"Fight it!† This was Two, speaking to One. â€Å"Join me! Don’t let it – â€Å" I left them for another dream. Or, well, more like another place. No, it wasn’t even a place. It was like I was floating in space, in a nebula. Perhaps a hurricane was a more accurate way to describe it because things were swirling around me and blowing past. Wisps of smoke. Bits of colors. Brilliant stars. Some touched me. Some went through me. And every time I made contact, I felt an emotion – an emotion that wasn’t my own. Happiness. Terror. With that emotion came a brief flash of an image. A green field. An airplane. A monster. It was a snowstorm of stimuli. I was lost and adrift, almost more scared than in my prison with the Oneroi. At least that had had some substance, no matter how insignificant. But this†¦what was this? Every once in a while, it would start to dissolve to black, like I might be returning to the box†¦. Then, the darkness would fade, again leaving me helpless in this mad riot of sensation. Georgina. My name again. And with it, that pull. That pull of familiarity. Though I technically had no body here either, I searched for that voice and that pull, looking through the riotous color. Georgina. It was stronger. That sense of summoning. I burned with the need to get to it. It was part of me. It was home. And then, in all that chaos, one light shone brighter than all the others. It was white, pure and pristine amidst the kaleidoscope raining down upon me. I stared at it, reached for it in as much as I could. The world started to fracture to black once again, but it was the last time. I wouldn’t return to the box. Not with this light before me. It’s hard to say if it became brighter and brighter or if it just grew closer and closer, but suddenly it was before me. It was around me. I was it. Just like when I’d brushed against those other dreams, I had a flash of vision that snapped me briefly from the whirlwind. I was in Seth’s arms. Or was I? As he held me, his face seemed to shift over and over to different forms. No, it was him. I would know him anywhere. He was so familiar, and now this close to me, I couldn’t let go of him. He was home. Georgina. The voice came again, and it was his. Georgina, don’t let go. No. I wasn’t letting go. I was never letting go again†¦. That brief moment of human contact gave way to the starry field of dreams, but this time, I had an anchor. I was with the light. I was the light. I felt it pulling me, but I needed no urging. I would go wherever it took me. I released all control. I had the sensation of floating, of being stretched and reaching forward. Behind me, something tugged at me, but it wasn’t strong enough. I was moving forward. Forward and forward and – The sound of screaming filled the room. My screaming. Screaming over the pain of being torn apart and reassembled. Pain from being stripped of all energy within me. I was weak. Raw. Nothing. What room was this? I saw faces. Faces near me, faces along the room’s wall. They looked at me like they knew me. Did they? Did I know them? My legs buckled underneath me, weak like a colt’s. One of the men standing near me reached out, but I scrambled backward, needing to escape. I couldn’t let him touch me. Of that, I was certain. My mind had been shredded and ripped open. I didn’t want to be touched in any other way. The floor was cold and smooth as I scurried over it, but I was stopped by a wall. At least, it felt like one. I saw nothing there, only a blue line upon the floor. The invisible wall was familiar and triggered fear. It reminded me of the box. I drew my knees up to me, trying to make myself small as I trembled. The men near me – four of them – were speaking in a language I didn’t know. They were arguing. One kept trying to come to me, but another stopped him. That one was terrifying. His features were nothing extraordinary – tall, with dark brown eyes and hair – but there was something about him that made me cold all over. There was power in him, power all around him. I could feel it and see it. It reminded me of sulfur. His eyes fell on me as he spoke harshly to the others, and I cringed further. I felt certain I knew him, but he still scared me. Suddenly, another of the men exclaimed something and touched the dark-haired one’s arm. This man was blond. I sensed power around him too, but it felt different. It was clean and crystalline. All four turned around, putting their backs to me as they stared at something. Nothing was there at first, then I began to see and feel it. A glowing purple orb appeared before them, becoming larger and larger. As it did, I saw it was more of a spiral, its arms whirling as it grew. The two men who didn’t radiate power stepped back. If the unseen wall had let me, I too would have moved away. Out of the purple light, two black forms suddenly materialized and stepped forward. Two black figures who were somehow luminescent at the same time and had brilliant blue eyes. My own eyes widened. I might not know anything else that was going on around me, but I knew them. I knew them, and I was going to kill them. I’m not sure how I did it since there seemed to be no spark of life left within me, yet somehow, I mustered the strength to spring up and run toward them. My shrieked words were incoherent, but it didn’t matter. Only their destruction did. I would rip them apart. I would make them suffer the way they’d – Strong arms grabbed me, stopping me as surely as the wall had. It was the blond man, and his grip was like iron. â€Å"Let me go!† I screamed. â€Å"Let me go! I’ll kill them! I’ll kill them both!† The dark-haired man glanced back toward us. â€Å"Do not let her go,† he said mildly, this time in a language I understood. I fought in vain against the arms but made no progress. The dark-haired man turned to the Oneroi. â€Å"This isn’t your world,† he said. â€Å"We’ve come for what’s ours,† said one of the Oneroi. â€Å"You took her.† â€Å"I took back what was mine,† the dark-haired man countered. â€Å"You stole her.† â€Å"We won her. She came to us of her own free will.† The dark-haired man snorted. Jerome, I suddenly remembered. His name was Jerome. â€Å"We have different definitions of ‘free will,'† he said. â€Å"We want her back,† protested the Oneroi. â€Å"You’re taking nothing back,† countered Jerome, voice hard. â€Å"Go before I change my mind.† I’d gone slack while they spoke, but now my fury was renewed. I struggled again. â€Å"Let me kill them!† I screamed. â€Å"Jerome, it’s my right! Let me destroy them!† Jerome turned back, maybe surprised I’d used his name. â€Å"I don’t think you’re in any shape to kill anything.† â€Å"It’s my right,† I said. â€Å"After what they did – they’ll suffer like I did. I will shred them. I’ll rip their souls out!† â€Å"They don’t have souls,† he said dryly. â€Å"But I like your enthusiasm.† He turned back to the Oneroi. â€Å"So, you stole my succubus and tortured her.† His voice carried that reptilian chill. It froze my blood. It made the air crackle with tension. The Oneroi shifted uncomfortably. They weren’t unaffected. â€Å"Because of her, our mother was recaptured,† one of them said. But he didn’t sound as confident or outraged as before. â€Å"We are entitled to revenge.† â€Å"You believe insult to another justifies revenge?† asked Jerome. Oh, that voice. That voice made the air grow still. â€Å"Yes,† said the Oneroi as one. â€Å"Me too,† replied Jerome. He didn’t even move, but I felt the power flare out from him, like a torch thrown into dry tinder. It exploded – and so did the Oneroi. Well, it was more like they imploded. That power hit them, and then – they were no more. Just like that. â€Å"Oh, Jerome,† said the man holding me. â€Å"Do you know what you’ve done?† Jerome glanced back at us and shrugged. â€Å"I don’t like people taking my things.† The swirling purple gate had never left, and now it began to grow brighter and rotate faster. â€Å"Shit,† said Jerome. â€Å"I was hoping no one would notice.† The man holding me sighed. He looked down at me, and silvery gray eyes pierced my soul. â€Å"Listen to me. Do not move. Do you understand? Stay right here.† When I didn’t answer, he sighed again. â€Å"Do you know me?† Did I? Yes. The eyes. I knew the eyes. â€Å"Carter.† The word came out strangely on my tongue. â€Å"Yes,† he said. â€Å"You know me. Trust me. Do not move.† He let go of me, waited to see what I’d do, and then walked up to join Jerome when I stayed in place. Nothing could have made me move anyway, not when I saw what came through the gate. It was monstrous. Literally. Yellow-eyed and scaly, mottled purple and gray. It had what looked like a pig’s snout, and seven horns ran over its head like points on a crown. It towered over Jerome and Carter as it emerged from the gate, but the two of them stood where they were, regarding it defiantly. â€Å"You destroyed my subjects,† the creature growled. Its voice came from deep within its throat and made the floor vibrate. â€Å"You broke the laws.† â€Å"Your subjects were in our realm,† said Jerome. He was perfectly calm. â€Å"They stole one of my people and abused her. They broke the rules.† â€Å"That doesn’t give you the right to do what you did,† came the response. â€Å"They would have destroyed her if they were capable of it. Next time, keep a better watch on your employees so that they don’t go causing trouble where they shouldn’t.† The monster’s nostrils flared. â€Å"I could destroy you for this.† â€Å"Try,† said Jerome. â€Å"Try taking on both of us.† Those yellow eyes flicked over to Carter. A few teeth showed in the creature’s mouth. I think he was smiling. â€Å"An angel and a demon fighting together. It would almost be worth seeing.† Heavy silence fell as everyone sized each other up. I had no sense of the monster’s strength. Physical size was not proportional to power. Jerome and Carter, however, were burning like small suns, ready to burst at any moment. At last, the monster shrugged. Or did his equivalent of it. â€Å"But it’s been enough just to see you defend each other’s honor. I will not destroy you†¦today. There will be no more assaults on my people. If there are, I won’t be so forgiving.† â€Å"And if your people don’t leave mine alone,† said Jerome smoothly, â€Å"I won’t be as forgiving either.† The creature snarled, and for a moment, I thought he might very well change his mind. He didn’t. Instead, he stepped backward toward the purple light. He merged into it, vanishing to our eyes, and then the gate itself disappeared as well. â€Å"He is such a fucking liar,† said Jerome. â€Å"‘Forgiving’ indeed. He knew we’d blast his scaly ass out of here.† â€Å"Yeah, well, I hope we never find if that’s true or not,† said Carter. â€Å"Fighting a Morphean demon would generate paperwork even on my side.† Jerome’s lips twitched into a smile. â€Å"Now that would be worth seeing.† I looked between both of them, my fear from the near-confrontation fading. With the last of my energy, I lunged for Jerome, beating my fists against his chest. He caught them and stopped me as easily as Carter had. â€Å"You should have let me do it! You should have let me destroy them! It was my right!† â€Å"That’s what you’re pissed off about? Georgie, I’m not even sure how you’re still standing.† â€Å"It was my right,† I repeated. â€Å"You don’t know what they did.† â€Å"I can make some good guesses.† I stopped in my struggles, and at last, the full force of everything that had happened descended on me. My being’s full depletion hit me. I sagged in his arms, and he caught me. The sights and people around me were still a little muddled, but lots of things were starting to come back. â€Å"You were supposed to keep me safe,† I said in a small voice. I felt my eyes grow wet. â€Å"You shouldn’t have let that happen – let them take me. You’re supposed to protect me.† Jerome looked truly surprised and didn’t respond to me immediately. I was afraid he’d get angry, but instead, he said quietly, â€Å"Yes. I am. I did in the end, but – I was late.† â€Å"Great apology,† said Carter. Now Jerome’s anger returned. â€Å"I have nothing to apologize for!† He turned back to me, and again, his voice was calm and patient. Almost gentle. I knew this was uncharacteristic for him. â€Å"I brought you back. You’re safe now. They will never harm you again. Do you understand?† I nodded. â€Å"Good. Now it’s time to finish this.† Jerome turned toward the humans. One of them was old, very old – with dark brown skin and graying hair. His eyes were compassionate. The other man was younger, with messy hair and brown eyes that turned honey-amber when the light caught them. He was staring at me like he knew me, which wasn’t a surprise because I knew him too. I didn’t know how, but I did. In fact, I was beginning to realize I knew everyone in this room. Other names were coming back to me. This one man’s name eluded me, though, largely because several kept popping into my head. He studied me intently, like he was trying to figure something out, and I found myself falling into those golden brown eyes. Jerome said something to the gray-haired man in that other language. I still couldn’t understand it, but there was something familiar about its sounds. The old man didn’t answer or move right away, and palpable tension fell over the entire room. At last the old man took a wand he was holding and began touching points on the circle upon the floor, murmuring softly as he did. When he touched the circle a fourth time, it was as though a great pressure – one I hadn’t even known was there – was released from the room. Jerome exchanged a few curt words with the man and then turned to me. â€Å"As I was saying, how you’re conscious is beyond me – but considering all the other absurd things you do, I shouldn’t be surprised.† He stepped toward me and pressed his fingers to my forehead. I gasped as a jolt of†¦something†¦raced through me. At first, it was shocking and prickly. Then, it transformed into something sweeter and more wonderful. The most wonderful thing on earth. It filled me up, energizing me, making me whole. Until this moment, how could I have thought I was alive? The world came into greater focus, the sights grew more familiar. I staggered, not from weakness this time, but from the pure bliss of life Jerome had gifted me with. He said something to me in that other language, and I frowned, not understanding. He spoke again in my own words. â€Å"Change back, Georgina. Time to go.† â€Å"Change to what?† â€Å"Whatever you want. Your current favorite, I’d imagine. Not this.† His hand gestured toward my body. I examined myself for the first time. I wasn’t quite as tall as him, a few inches shorter, maybe. My legs and arms were long and lean, my skin tanned from the sun. A plain ivory dress covered me, and I could see the tips of black hair falling onto my chest. I frowned. This was me†¦and yet not me. â€Å"Change back, Georgina,† he repeated. â€Å"That’s not my name,† I said. â€Å"Shake off what they’ve done,† he said, clearly impatient. â€Å"It’s over. They’ve fogged your mind, but you can clear it. Change back, Georgina. Come back to this time.† His next words were in that other language, and I shook my head angrily. â€Å"I don’t understand. I shouldn’t be here. This is my body, but this isn’t my time.† He gave another command that I still didn’t comprehend, and I uttered the same response. Three times we went through this, and then on the fourth, his words came through to me, perfectly understandable. I knew what he was speaking. The English language exploded in my mind, and with it, much more. I held out my hands before me, staring long and hard as though seeing them for the first time. â€Å"This is my time,† I murmured in English. I looked down at my long legs. A strange sense of revulsion ran through me. â€Å"This is not my body.† Yet†¦it was. It was, and it wasn’t. With no energy, it was what I had reverted to. â€Å"What’s your name?† he demanded. Letha. My name is Letha. â€Å"Georgina,† I said. And with that, I summoned the power to make my body’s shape change. Slim and short, with light brown hair, and golden green eyes. The off-white homespun shift became a blue cotton dress. A moment later, I changed it to jeans and a blue shirt. Jerome glanced at Carter. â€Å"See? No harm done.† Carter didn’t acknowledge that. Instead, he asked, â€Å"So now what?† â€Å"Now?† Jerome’s gaze fell on me again. â€Å"Now Georgina sleeps.† â€Å"What?† I cried. â€Å"No! Not after†¦no. I’m never sleeping again.† Jerome almost smiled before touching my forehead again. I slept. How to cite Succubus Shadows Chapter 19, Essay examples

Finding Meaning Tolstoys The Death of Ivan Ilych free essay sample

This paper examines how Tolstoy attempts to persuade us to find meaning in life by presenting two distinct sets of supporting characters and by demonstrating why Ivan Ilych is afraid to die and what causes his suffering. The paper analyzes the title character of Leo Tolstoys `The Death of Ivan Ilych`, making clear the authors intention that each of us must discover how to lead a meaningful life. Tolstoy attempts to persuade us to his point of view by presenting two distinct sets of supporting characters and by demonstrating why Ivan Ilych is afraid to die and what causes his suffering. In addition, Tolstoy warns of the social conditions that prevent most people from accomplishing in life what Ivan Ilych could only achieve in death. From the paper: Two hours before his death Ivan Ilych finally asks the right question. After three days of screaming through agonizing pain, he laments that his life was all not the right thing, and passes into death wondering what is the right thing? (151). We will write a custom essay sample on Finding Meaning: Tolstoys The Death of Ivan Ilych or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page With this final realization and questioning, the title character of Leo Tolstoys The Death of Ivan Ilych makes clear the authors intention that each of us must find the right thing and discover how to lead a meaningful life. Tolstoy explains that even at this final moment, Ivan Ilych is capable of redeeming himself and making this discovery, that though his life had not been what it should have been, this could still be rectified (151). If Ivan Ilych can do it at the last minute, the rest of us still can.

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Capitalization Rules for Names of Historical Periods and Movements

Capitalization Rules for Names of Historical Periods and Movements Capitalization Rules for Names of Historical Periods and Movements Capitalization Rules for Names of Historical Periods and Movements By Mark Nichol When are designations for historically significant phenomena treated with initial capital letters, and when are the names rendered with lowercase letters? Exceptions, as always, are available to confound us, but the rules are fairly straightforward. Names of political and cultural periods or events are often capitalized in their original connotations, but when such nomenclature is used by extension in a generic sense, the designations are (usually) lowercased. For example, one should write, for example, â€Å"The arts and sciences flourished during the Renaissance,† but â€Å"The downtown district is experiencing a renaissance.† (However, to describe someone as well rounded in skills or talents, write â€Å"He’s a Renaissance man† even when he is not a contemporary of Michelangelo.) The same distinction applies for such terms as â€Å"golden age† (â€Å"The Golden Age was the first of Hesiod’s Ages of Man,† but â€Å"Jazz music has experienced several golden ages†) and â€Å"belle à ©poque† (â€Å"The period of peace and optimism in France in the nearly half century before World War I came to be known retrospectively as the Belle Époque,† but â€Å"They look back on that prosperous period as a belle à ©poque†). Similarly, one would write â€Å"China’s infamous Cultural Revolution was a decade-long time of great turmoil,† but â€Å"American society has undergone a cultural revolution of late,† and while references to the mid-twentieth-century tension between Western nations and the Communist Bloc capitalize â€Å"Cold War,† any such conflict without open hostilities is a cold war. The Enlightenment was a specific cultural movement in Europe and Britain’s American colonies during the 1600s and 1700s, or a similar era in any one of several countries. Generic usage is as follows: â€Å"In the Western world, the concept of enlightenment in a religious context acquired a romantic meaning.† However, in specific usage, enlightenment is capitalized: â€Å"The Russian Enlightenment is a period in the eighteenth century in which the government in Russia began to actively encourage the proliferation of arts and sciences.† Adjectives preceding names of political entities are often erroneously capitalized. No civilization has ever gone by the official name of Ancient Greece or Imperial Rome, for example; the first word in such designations is generally a mere descriptor and is therefore lowercased: â€Å"The course is a general overview of the history of ancient Greece†; â€Å"This essay will discuss the economic structure of imperial Rome.† Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Style category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:How to Punctuate References to Dates and TimesFor Sale vs. On SaleCharles's Pen and Jesus' Name

Macca and Madina Revelation Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Macca and Madina Revelation - Essay Example Discussion The Mecca sanctuary lies in the SW region of the Modern day Saudi Arabia, close to the Red Sea. Many years prior the emergence of Islamic Religion, the city served as the fundamental, trade, socio-cultural and evangelistic House for all communities in Arabic world. Mecca City gave rise to the most prominent antichrist ever to exist in the last over two thousand years) and to the Islamic religion. It became the epitome of Islamic territory and the main dwelling palace of Allah. Therefore, and hence then, Mecca sanctuary attained its title â€Å"almadina almukarrama† (a sacred and bountiful city). All Muslims should direct their players to the sanctuary and Ka’ba, Mecca’s shrine. Similarly, it is Muslims obligation and a fundamental five aspects of Islamic doctrine to go to the prayer center once in the course of their living age. Additionally non-believers are restricted to touch the sacred Mecca soil, and if one touches it, the law states that he shoul d be sentenced to death, (Nomachi and Seyyed 85). Mecca is a popularly known sacred center and Islamic religious universe. Mecca is a sanctified preservation recommended for believers and is humanity guidance. Mecca is an indisputable memorial (of the guidance of God), a holy place where Abraham prayed, and every person who enters Mecca is safe. Humanity has a Hajji or excursion obligation unto the creator to the center. The Islamic holy book, Koran states that every person who enters the sacred Mecca is safe and believers should not harm or interfere with people going to the city for pilgrimage, (Shahrukh 25). According to Islamic traditions, even criminals are safe from the penalty and imprisonment inside the sanctuary. The safeguarded reputation of the sanctuary and the inviolability of the city are further reinforced historically in that all over the period of drastic warfare amid Medina Muslims, and Meccan pagans, the sanctuary of Mecca was exempted from struggles and bloodshed within its quarters. Similarly, when Mecca was lastly captured, about 8 years after the departure of Muhammad and his believers, the city was a nearly bloodless conquest. Significance of the city to Muslims The significance of the city for Muslims believers is irrefutable, and all Muslims around the world must pray at least five times daily facing Mecca’s shrine, Ka’ba. Additionally, a pilgrimage to the city is a requirement for all believers who can afford a tour to the city as a crucial aspect of the five faith pillars. Every year more than 3m people gather for main Hajj (pilgrimage) during the Dhu’l-Hijja Muslim month, and others perform Umrah (a minor pilgrimage) at diverse periods in the year, (Locate 36). Some non-Muslims have witnessed Hajji Rituals and rites, as they are mainly restricted from entering sacred Medina and Mecca cities. Several roadblocks are designed along the pathways and roads heading to Mecca to prevent non-Muslim entry. The popular no n-Muslim case entering the sanctuary was that of Richard Burton, a traveler from Britain, exploration in 1853. Sir Richard camouflaged himself as an Islamic believer from Afghanistan to enter and draft unique excursion story to both Mecca sanctuary and Medina. Muslim believes that the primary center of Mecca

FINAL PROJECT Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

FINAL PROJECT - Essay Example Accounting and Management Accounting and management are usually fused into a single career commonly referred to management accounting which is usage of information for improved control of firms. As such, management accounting forms an important faucet of organizational management at all levels in a company (Atkinson et al 82). Within the structures of leadership in organizations, there are different decisions that need to be made by heads of departments. In order to make these decisions, the leaders have to overcome several challenges which involve consulting with other employees. Consulting on the other hand involves communication and therefore communication plays a central role in the career of accounting management. It follows then that a person practicing in this field has to have at least two solid backgrounds of education in financial accounting and management disciplines (Shah, Malik and Malik 6). This is only possible when one is a specialist in business field and furthered o ne of the two disciplines in masters. Role of Communication Communication forms an important aspect of everyday life since human beings are relational in nature. In the world of business, effective communication should be an important tool that ensures good relations within a firm and clients that are served by the firm. Collaborative communication whereby different stakeholders in an organization have free of information is quite important in ensuring client satisfaction and increasing the profitability of a company. Accounting matters are sensitive because they involve financial matters where clients are very keen on knowing how their money is being handled to ensure profitability. The main of business entities in engaging in financial matters is to make gains and be competitive in the corporate world. As such, communication is quite important in how different matters are handled in the accounting departments (Koski, Ehlen, and Saxby 86). Information economics views the management of accounting as an important tool that helps in decision making. This tool is useful in providing signals that are influence decision making in the uncertain nature of financial matters. Therefore, the effectiveness of accounting management is often measured by ripple effects of a person’s usage of the different utilities found within it. Some decisions can be disastrous especially if they are not based on sound accounting and economical principles whereas others can be advantageous. In this regards, it is important for people working within the management and accounting fields to have regular communication so that they may freely exchange ideas. Collapse of many financial institutions has been blamed on poor communication mainly in failure to communicate important decisions. When communication is not done in good time, important and crucial decisions fail to be made leading to crumbling of financial institutions (Kaplan 405). Overview of the Industry The management account ing industry or career utilizes financial as well as non financial information to make important decisions that can propel organizations towards achieving their goals. It therefore focuses on present and future opportunities so that it can propel itself into greater heights in terms of performance. Many may think that there are no limitations in its but they do exist especially those that come about due to value-added principle. This principle dictates that

Critical Appraisal of Ansel Adams

Critical Appraisal of Ansel Adams There is an open question that defines photography theory as much as it plagues it: does a photographer take or make a photograph? Ansel Adamss 1935 book, Making a photograph: an introduction to photography could well be considered the definitive response. A photograph remains an abstraction, even in its most primitive state as a sort of document or record and Adamss skill lies in his ability to conceal his role as contriver, abstracter, imaginist, within the rhetorical apparatus of scientifically objective reality. He shuttles, perpetually, between the reality of texture and the affectation of emphasised texture; his is a statement about the difference between something existing and something being noticed, which partly accounts for his famous privileging of black and white. When unnecessary distractions arise from ranges of colours are removed, the impact of an image can be multiplied. In efforts to define- or perhaps contain it, the practice of photography has been laboriously distinguished from other visual forms and practices, particularly painting and film. Adams is interesting because he refuses the forces of classification, not static enough for photography, too theatrical and contrived for regular representational convention. In the article â€Å"Looking at Photographs,† Victor Burgin writes: The signifying system of photography, like that of classical painting, at once depicted a scene and the gaze of the spectator, an object and a viewing subject†¦. Whatever the object depicted, the manner of its depiction accords with laws of geometric projection which imply a unique â€Å"point of view†. It is the position of point-of-view, occupied in fact by the camera, which is bestowed upon the spectator†¦. Even more emphatically than painting, photography maps an animated, infinitely subjective and ever changing world into a two dimensional, static image of a finite moment. Classical and highly stylised black and white images, such as those that have made Adams most famous, take the abstraction one step further by removing all colour from our inescapably multicoloured world. The use of colour in photography has been shunned repeatedly by many purists working to a realist agenda. Compared to black and white it is considered more superficial, crassly realistic, mundane, less abstract, ultimately less artistic. Altering light and shade in the darkroom enables a degree of artistic dishonesty. The camera may not lie, but the photographer very frequently does, especially the photographer with an artistic agenda. Whenever he dodges shadow detail and fires up highlights, increasing contrast or altering tone, Adams exercises and demonstrates a contrivance that amounts to a sort of visual poetry. Adams is on record confessing to severe manipulation of Moonrise over Hernandez, (below) but more significant still is probably his interest in subjects which lend themselves so well to monochrome representation. The night scene is extraordinarily affecting, partly because, as a genre, it is most famous for high contrast monochrome. It is the only time in our world really does seem black and white, so the image is almost an accurate representation, but not quite. It is the slightly alienating quality of this image, the slight lack of fit between representation and mental expectation, which makes it so beautiful. Many of Adamss images are arresting because they are tuned to the timing of our mental calculations: they are ready to predict and confound our expectations by subtle acts of artifice and they play constantly, and good-naturedly, on the moment of our realisation. The monochrome of Adams is not a symptom of self-aggrandising pride in his iconic artist status, but a device to play with emphasis and expectation, a way of forcing us to look at the world in different ways. As both teacher and technician, Adams is probably most well known for testing Edwin Land’s Polaroid film technology and assisting aspirant artists with the workings of his own Zone System of photography, something he developed while teaching at the Art Centre School in Los Angeles in 1941. The Zone System was designed to assist photographers with manipulating the range of grey-scale tones in their negatives, through the use of a light meter. The system accounts for Adams enchanting range of distinct shades of grey, and use of black and white in his 1958 photograph, Aspens (below). As an artist, Adams encouraged photographers to manipulate the tones of their work during the developing and printing stages. Very significantly, he often compared printmaking to a musical performance, noting similarities between the tonal values of a negative and the notes on a musical score. As with musical scores, prints were opened up the interpretation and change once they had been produced. Ada ms vision seems to have been a democratic one; he promoted an open attitude in the arts- not jealously guarding his techniques but teaching and sharing them- and his openness and humility is surely reflected in his unusual preference of natural subject matter. Nevertheless Adams’s technical accomplishments often distract from his original intentions- he hoped that many of his photographs would be expressive of his radical aesthetic and political ideals. Aesthetically, Adams was profoundly influenced by Alfred Stieglitz. Stieglitz promoted a photographic philosophy of the â€Å"pure†, asserting that his photographic prints represented â€Å"equivalents† of his feelings. Similarly, Adams claimed that art photographers created â€Å"a statement that goes beyond the subject† and captured â€Å"an inspired moment on film.† Art photographers were compared favourably to regular photographers. If a photographer from each party came out with an identical image of a scene, the art photographer would be preferable, in Adams eyes, by virtue of his philosophy- his attitude- simply more authentic. To Adams, ordinary photographs were mere â€Å"visual diaries† or â€Å"reminders of experience,† While the landscapes that I have photographed in Yosemite are recognized by most people and, of course the subject is an important part of the pictures, they are not â€Å"realistic.† All my pictures are optically very accurate – I use pretty good lenses -150; but they are quite unrealistic in terms of [tonal] values. A more realistic, simple snapshot captures the image but misses everything else. I want a picture to reflect not only the forms, but [also] what I had seen and felt at the moment of exposure.

Spin Masters Toys Case Write-Up

MG 640 Spin Master Toys (A): Finding A Manufacturer for E-Chargers 1. ) Executive Summary: †¢ Spin Master Toys core competencies are marketing and bringing creative toys to market. †¢ Alex Perez should choose Wah Shing and utilize their core competencies of manufacturing electronic toys. †¢ Electronic components can be difficult to acquire therefore Wah Shing’s relationships with suppliers will be beneficial. Speed to market is key, therefore Wah Shing has the best capabilities to meet Spin Master delivery commits †¢ Building long-term supplier relationship with Wah Shing is imperative if Spin Masters decides to stay in the electronic toy industry. 2. ) My assessment of the process Spin Masters has used to get to this point is, they are really good at developing good relationships with retailers, investors and have in-depth knowledge of research and development of various toys. Spin Masters has expertise in developing low technology â€Å"fad† toys a nd distributing them to retailers quickly.Spin Masters lacks engineering and manufacturing capabilities and therefore it’s necessary to outsource both. The company used their own â€Å"grassroots marketing† campaigns to stimulate interest in their toys. Spin Master’s has a â€Å"botched† process when it comes to the manufacturing and delivery of their toys. This end process appears to always be a â€Å"scramble† especially as they enter the electronic toys market. Since electronic toys are new to Spin Master, they should have utilized an early supplier involvement strategy.A company like Wah Shing early on could help them with the engineering and development from an early stage and then manufacture the plane for Spin Master Toys. Spin masters is good at marketing and bringing creative toys to market, whereas a company like Wah Shing has expertise in engineering and manufacturing of electronic toys. In short, it’s best to take one company's w eaknesses and mate them up with another company’s core competencies. 3. ) As Alex Perez, of the two potential suppliers, I would choose Wah Shing. Wah Shing’s core competencies include the engineering and manufacturing of various electronic toys.Spin Masters needs to find a manufacturer who is capable of providing high quality products in a short time span. Wah Shing has a very large facility which includes 6 engineers, 3,500 total employees and is the preferred electronic toy manufacturer for some of the largest companies in the toy industry. With that said, Wah Shing has a reputation for the manufacturing of high quality electronic toys. One of the biggest obstacles I currently face is getting E-Chargers to market on time to obtain the first mover advantage. Wah Shing has only 20% of its manufacturing capacity available but that is still a lot of freed up space for E-Chargers.The company could possibly devote a total of 700 employees (20% of 3,500 employees) to focus only on the manufacturing of E-Chargers. Currently, Spin Master needs a total of 20,000 units therefore each employee would be responsible for a total of 29 E-Chargers. Since many of the smaller components are sourced from other companies, this appears to be an achievable milestone to meet for the December deadline. In considering Wah Shing as a supplier for E-Chargers, cost and financial risk needs to be taken into account. Wah Shing has annual revenues of nearly $40 million, which is over $10 million more than other Hong Kong competitors.Without knowing any further details, it is safe to assume Wah Shing is in good financial health due to their proven track record with Hasbro and Tiger. There does not appear to be any indicators that Wah Shing has or will have any financial burdens in the near future. In terms of cost, Wah Shing appears to be slightly more expensive than Wai Lung. The per unit difference is about $. 32-$. 37 (HK$2. 45-HK$2. 83) depending on the container load. Wa h Shing also includes critical components such as the motor and the capacitor in their pricing quote where Wai Lung does not.This can be due to the fact that Wai Lung does not have a reliable supply base in line for electronic components. I am faced with stringent time constraints and therefore I cannot risk any possible supply disruptions. As for Wah Shing they have developed good supplier relationships with electrical component suppliers. This is crucial as the components used in E-Chargers are not always readily available. Wah Shing has minimal financial risk, competitive pricing and more knowledge of the componentry that E-Chargers entail.Wah Shing has produced other complex electronic toys and therefore would have the processes and technological capabilities to produce an E-Charger within the stringent tolerances. It would be hard for me to change Wai Lung’s core competencies of die-casting and plastic toys. I do not think with the time I’m allotted I would be abl e to overcome the knowledge gap they have for electronic toys. Wah Shing’s engineers have the ability to closely monitor the production of E-Chargers and correct any problems that may arise in the manufacturing process.It is imperative to have engineers readily available who can help prevent any potential work stoppages as Spin Masters does not have a lot of time to get E-Charges to market. Lastly, after careful consideration I noticed Hasbro does have relationships with both Wai Lung and Wah Shing. Hasbro has contracted less complex toys to Wai Lung as that’s their core business and more complex electronic toys to Wah Shing. This has further imbedded that knowledge is power especially when it comes to more complex toys.Lastly, after careful consideration Spin Master Toys has invested heavily in E-Chargers and it’s my responsibility to ensure the correct supplier is chosen. Another determining factor that I had noticed is Wai Lung is only at 40% capacity whereas Wah Shing is at 80% capacity. If E-Chargers really take off as planned, I need to engage in a longer-term supplier relationship. This is especially true since Spin Master is aligned with introducing a full line of E-Chargers. While Harary was visiting Wai Lung, he mentioned that they had â€Å"lost a significant portion† of their business due to a â€Å"disagreement with a large toy company†.I realized that Wai Lung may not be our best option as they don’t have a proven track record especially with a large toy company. This could possibly be the result of so much capacity becoming available. Harary also advised that Wai Lung may not be in a position to take on new projects in the short term. Spin Master’s E-Charger does not appear to be a good fit for Wai Lung as they need as much attention as possible to expedite their products through the manufacturing process. 4. ) In implementing my decision to have Wah Shing be the supplier of choice for E-Chargers, I would first have to close the loop of management communication.My main focus is to be the first to market with E-Chargers and in doing so I need to communicate with senior leadership at Wah Shing. I believe messages and priorities are best delivered from the top down, so I need to get my message to the top. Wah Shing currently has a lot of work in house, so even if Spin Masters has to pay expedite charges it will be well worth it if we get to market first. Also, not only would I like to meet senior leadership personally I would like to have our two project managers based in Hong Kong meet them as well. This is a starting point in creating a personal relationship with key contacts of Wah Shing.The ideal relationship I would like to see develop would be to have these two managers visit Wah Shing on a regular basis as it’s only 5 hours away. The next step in implementing my decision would be to understand how Wah Shing communicates with their customers. I would like to know i f they have any electronic data interchange (EDI) capabilities so Spin Master can have daily updates in real-time as to the status of their products. Wah Shing delivers quality products, but anything can happen with a newly developed product in the manufacturing process, for example a batch of E-Chargers could possibly weight too much and not fly.Real-time production updates can better align myself and Spin Master Toys to help Wah Shing overcome such issues. Also with the use of such real-time information we can update our customers and provide current status on their orders. Over the next six months I have to ensure many tasks are carried out in a timely manner. These tasks include, making sure the quote package is completed by July 1st, vendor quotes are expedited to meet our July 10th date, and the final design release is on schedule as well. I will be a busy guy and will have to utilize my project management skills.Once all of my preliminary tasks are complete, I will be traveli ng to Wah Shing frequently to ensure our E-Chargers are on track for our shipment deadline to retailers. I will have to monitor and address the 35-day lead-time for tooling, as this could be an opportunity for us to take some time out of the process. While visiting Wah Shing I will also be addressing key issues such as capacity. I want to ensure that Wah Shing is utilizing the right people to our products as we cannot afford to lose any more time.Capacity is very important at this time as we’re only forecasting 20,000 units right now but we need room to increase our capacity as we ramp up. In the month of November I will be closely monitoring our ramp-up schedule as I do not want any E-charger stock-outs. E-Chargers will be on an end-cap; therefore our product will have a lot of visibility to customers. As I said before as Spin Masters and I develop a good working relationship with Wah Shing a lot of the bottlenecks we face with E-Chargers may not occur in the future if we st ay in the electronic toys market. Word count: 1,647

Compare and Contrast Between Egypt and China

Clinical Forum The Lexicon and Phonology: Interactions in Language Acquisition Holly L. Storkel1 Michele L. Morrisette Indiana University, Bloomington 24 LANGUAGE, SPEECH, AND HEARING SERVICES IN SCHOOLS †¢ Vol. 33 †¢ 24–37 †¢ January 2002  © American Speech-Language-Hearing Association 0161–1461/02/3301–0024 ABSTRACT: The purpose of this paper is to underscore the importance of the link between lexical and phonological acquisition by considering learning by children beyond the 50-word stage and by applying cognitive models of spoken word processing to development. Lexical and phonological variables that have been shown o influence perception and production across the lifespan are considered relative to their potential role in learning by preschool children. The effect of these lexical and phonological variables on perception, production, and learning are discussed in the context of a two-representation connectionist model of spoken word processi ng. The model appears to offer insights into the complex interaction between the lexicon and phonology and may be useful for clinical diagnosis and treatment of children with language delays. KEY WORDS: language development, lexicon, phonology, neighborhood density, phonotactic probabilityLSHSS To acquire the native language, a child must do two things: Learn the words of the language and extract the relevant phonological characteristics of those words. For the most part, the acquisition of words and sounds has been investigated independently. That is, some lines of investigation concentrate exclusively on how the words of the language are acquired (e. g. , Carey & Bartlett, 1978; Dollaghan, 1985; Heibeck & Markman, 1987; Jusczyk & Aslin, 1995; Rice & Woodsmall, 1988), whereas other lines of research examine how the sounds of the language emerge (e. g. , Dinnsen, Chin, Elbert, &Powell, 1990; Dyson, 1988; Smit, Hand, Freilinger, Bernthal, & Bird, 1990; Stoel-Gammon, 1985). The mutual influence of lexical and phonological development is an area that has received only limited attention. The few descriptive and experimental studies that have addressed this issue, however, provide preliminary evidence for an interaction between lexical and phonological development. Descriptive studies primarily have examined the relationship between the phonological characteristics of babble and first words. Studies of typically developing children have shown that first words are phonologically similar to babble (e. . , Oller, Wieman, Doyle, & Ross, 1976; Stoel-Gammon & Cooper, 1984; Vihman, Ferguson, & Elbert, 1986; Vihman, Macken, Miller, Simmons, & Miller, 1985). For example, the distribution of consonants and the syllable structure of first words are identical to that of babble (Vihman et al. , 1985). This association between lexical and phonological development is observed in children with precocious language development as well as in children with delayed language development (Paul & Jennings, 1992; Stoel-Gammon & Dale, 1988; Thal, Oroz, & McCaw, 1995; Whitehurst, Smith, Fischel, Arnold, & Lonigan, 991). In particular, children who know many words tend to produce a greater variety of sounds and sound combinations, whereas children who know few words tend to produce a limited variety of sounds and sound combinations. There appears to be a potentially robust relationship between the phonological characteristics of first words and babble. This is suggestive of an intimate connection between word learning and productive phonology. In addition to descriptive evidence, experimental studies provide further support for the hypothesis that lexical and phonological development influence one another. For xample, one study of young children with expressive language delay demonstrated that treatment focused on 1 Currently affiliated with the University of Kansas. Storkel †¢ Morrisette: The Lexicon and Phonology 25 increasing a child’s expressive vocabula ry led to subsequent improvements in phonological diversity (Girolametto, Pearce, & Weitzman, 1997; but see Whitehurst, Fischel et al. , 1991). This finding suggests that the breadth of a child’s lexical knowledge may influence phonological acquisition. An expansion of vocabulary in this case went hand in hand with an expansion of the sound system.In complement, there is experimental evidence that phonological characteristics may influence lexical acquisition. In particular, infants have been shown to produce novel words composed of sounds that are in their phonetic inventory more frequently than other novel words composed of sounds that are out of their phonetic inventory (Leonard, Schwartz, Morris, & Chapman, 1981; Schwartz & Leonard, 1982). Here, the child’s phonetic inventory influenced the acquisition of new words. Taken together, descriptive and experimental evidence suggests that phonological development and word learning utually influence one another, but one l imitation of this work is its emphasis on infants who produce fewer than 50 words (but see Shillcock & Westermann, 1998; Stoel- Gammon, 1998). This is relevant because a rapid increase in rate of word learning has been noted as children cross the 50-word threshold, leading some researchers to posit a fundamental change in the word learning process (Behrend, 1990; Bloom, 1973; Dore, 1978; Gopnik & Meltzoff, 1986; Mervis & Bertrand, 1994). Also at this point, it is hypothesized that children transition from a holistic to an analytic phonological system, which may demarcate a fundamental hange in phonological learning (Ferguson & Farwell, 1975; Vihman, Velleman, & McCune, 1994). The purpose of this paper is to examine this link between lexical and phonological development by considering the acquisition process beyond the 50-word stage and by applying a cognitive model of spoken word perception and production to this issue. In particular, lexical and phonological variables that have bee n shown to influence perception and production across the lifespan will be considered relative to their potential influence on learning by preschool children. Furthermore, a model that has been sed to explain spoken word processing in the fully developed system of adults is used to provide a framework for understanding the interaction between the lexicon and phonology in development. The term spoken word processing refers collectively to the act of perceiving and producing words in spoken language. The paper is organized to first provide background to the lexical variables of word frequency and neighborhood density and the phonological variable of phonotactic probability. A two-representation model of spoken word processing is introduced. This model depicts two types of mental representations, words versus sounds, providing a eans of understanding the interaction between these two different representations. The model is then applied to spoken word processing in the developing system of children and to lexical and phonological learning. Finally, the interaction between the lexicon and phonology will be reconsidered by examining the role of lexical variables in sound learning and phonological variables in word learning by preschool children who have surpassed the 50-word stage. A discussion of the implications of these lexical and phonological variables for clinical diagnosis and treatment will conclude the article. BACKGROUND TO LEXICAL ANDPHONOLOGICAL VARIABLES Two lexical characteristics that have emerged as relevant predictors of spoken word processing are word frequency and neighborhood density. Word frequency is the number of times a word occurs in the language. For example, sit is an infrequent word occurring only 67 times in a written sample of 1 million words. In contrast, these is a frequent word occurring 1,573 times in a written sample of 1 million words (KucUera & Francis, 1967). 2 Turning to neighborhood density, words presumably are organized into similarity neighborhoods in the mental lexicon based on phonological similarity.In particular, it is assumed that a similarity neighborhood includes all of the words differing from a given word by a one phoneme substitution, deletion, or addition (Luce & Pisoni, 1998). For example, neighbors of sit include words such as sip, sat, hit, it, and spit and neighbors of these include words such as those, tease, and ease. The number of neighbors defined in this way is the word’s neighborhood density. In total, sit has 36 neighbors and these has 9 neighbors (Nusbaum, Pisoni, & Davis, 1984). Thus, sit is said to reside in a dense neighborhood because it has many neighbors, whereas these is said to eside in a sparse neighborhood because it has relatively few neighbors. A phonological characteristic that appears influential in spoken word processing is phonotactic probability. One observation that has emerged from studies of language structure is that certain sound patterns are more li kely to occur than others. This likelihood of sound occurrence is termed phonotactic probability. Phonotactic probability generally is determined by counting the words in the language that contain a particular sound or sound pattern as well as the number of times those words occur (see Jusczyk, Luce, & Charles-Luce, 1994; Luce, Goldinger,Auer, & Vitevitch, 2000; Storkel, 2001; Storkel & Rogers, 2000; Vitevitch & Luce, 1998, 1999). To illustrate, the sound pattern of sit is a common sound sequence in English. The individual sounds (/s/, /I/, /t/) frequently occur in their given word positions in many frequent words of the language. For example, word-initial /s/ occurs in the words seat, safe, said, sat, sun, surge, soon, soot, soap, song, sock, south, soil, and size, as well as in many other words of the language. In addition, the adjacent sounds in sit (/sI/, /It/) frequently occur together in many frequent lexical items.The sound combination /sI/ is found in the words sing, sip, si ck, sin, and sill, as well as in other English words. In contrast, the sound pattern of these is a rare sound sequence, having individual sounds (/D/, /i/, /z/) 2Word frequency counts are available from a variety of sources including adult written (e. g. , KucUera & Francis, 1967), adult spoken (e. g. , Brown, 1984), child written (e. g. , Rinsland, 1945), and child spoken (e. g. , Kolson, 1960) databases. 26 LANGUAGE, SPEECH, AND HEARING SERVICES IN SCHOOLS †¢ Vol. 33 †¢ 24–37 †¢ January 2002 and sound combinations (/Di/, /iz/) that occur in relatively few words of the language.In fact, word initial /D/ is found only in the words this, them, then, thus, their, those, that, and their, and the sound combination /Di/ is not contained in any other words of the language. MODEL OF WORD PROCESSING The lexical variables of word frequency and neighborhood density and the phonological variable of phonotactic probability reportedly influence adults’ perception and production. This influence may be accounted for by a tworepresentation model of word processing (e. g. , Gupta & MacWhinney, 1997; Luce et al. , 2000). 3 This model may potentially provide insights into the complex interaction etween the lexicon and phonology in development, but the characteristics of the model and its success in capturing spoken word processing by adults will first be considered. An illustration of this model is given in Figure 1 for the word sit and in Figure 2 for the word these. The two types of representations in the model are lexical and phonological. The lexical representation corresponds to a word as a whole unit. In Figures 1 and 2, the lexical representation for the word sit, /sIt/, and these, /Diz/, is denoted by rectangles. In contrast, the phonological representation corresponds to the individual sounds or sound sequences.In Figures 1 and 2, the phonological representations for the words sit, /s/, /I/, and /t/, and these, /D/, /i/, and /z/, are illustr ated by the open circles. The structure of the lexical representation may influence perception and production by adults. Likewise, the characteristics of the phonological representation may play a role in adult spoken word processing. Interactions between lexical and phonological representations may also occur in adult word recognition and production. Each of these issues will be considered in turn. Lexical Representations This two-representation model is a connectionist model.One feature of a connectionist model is that representations can be activated. That is, hearing or thinking about a word provides external activation to a lexical representation. For a word to be recognized or produced, the activation of its representation must reach a set activation threshold. An activation threshold refers to the amount of activation that must accumulate in order for the representation to become available to consciousness. It is at this point that the listener recognizes the word or that the speaker selects the word to be produced. Representations can differ from one another in their resting threshold. The resting threshold efers to the initial level of activation of a representation before further external activation is accrued either by hearing the word or by thinking of the word. Past experience with the language has been proposed to alter the resting threshold of lexical representations. Specifically, when a lexical representation is frequently activated for recognition or production, the resting threshold supposedly increases. This provides a mechanism for learning the characteristics of the language, namely word frequency. Thus, words that are frequently recognized or produced presumably will have a higher resting threshold than words hat are infrequently recognized or produced. In Figures 1 and 2, resting threshold is depicted by the thickness of the rectangles. Heavier rectangles represent higher resting thresholds; lighter rectangles represent lower resting th resholds. The lexical representation of the frequent word /Diz/ in Figure 2 has a darker rectangle indicating a higher resting threshold than the lexical representation of the infrequent word /sIt/ in Figure 1. The implication of this difference in resting threshold for perception or production 3Note that the two-representation model we describe is a simplified and generic version of those described by Luce et al. 2000 and Gupta & MacWhinney, 1997. The interested reader is referred to the original manuscripts for complete details of the full models. Also, we consider the ability of this model to account for both perception and production, although the original models focus primarily on one aspect of spoken word processing. Figure 1. Illustration of a two-representation connectionist model of word processing for the word sit. Lexical representations are illustrated with rectangles. The thickness of the rectangle indicates the resting threshold as determined by word frequency (e. g. , sit is infrequent).Inhibitory connections between words are indicated by lines terminating in circles. The number of connections between words illustrates neighborhood density (e. g. , the neighborhood of sit is dense). Phonological representations are illustrated with circles. The thickness of the circle indicates the resting threshold based on phonotactic probability (e. g. , /s/, /I/, and /t/ are common). Facilitory connections between sounds are indicated by lines terminating in arrows. The thickness of the connecting line indicates the strength of the relationship based on phonotactic probability (e. g. /sI/ and /It/ are common). Storkel †¢ Morrisette: The Lexicon and Phonology 27 is that words with higher resting thresholds (i. e. , frequent words) are already more activated at rest than are words with lower resting thresholds (i. e. , infrequent words). As a result, these frequent words should require less external activation than infrequent words to reach the activatio n threshold for recognition or production and, thus, recognition or production should be facilitated. In fact, studies of spoken word recognition and production with adults support this claim. Adults recognize frequent words more rapidly nd more accurately than infrequent words (Landauer & Streeter, 1973; Luce & Pisoni, 1998) and produce frequent words faster and more accurately than infrequent words (Dell, 1990; Dell & Reich, 1981; Huttenlocher & Kubicek, 1983; Oldfield & Wingfield, 1965; Stemberger & MacWhinney, 1986; Vitevitch, 1997). This influence of experience on resting thresholds also allows for the possibility of individual differences across speakers because the exact resting threshold of a given word may vary from speaker to speaker based on a particular speaker’s unique language experience.Another feature of this two-representation connectionist model is that relationships among words are represented by connections. Connections between words are illustrated by lin es in Figures 1 and 2. These connections are important because they allow activation to spread between related words, damping or amplifying the related lexical representation’s activation. In this way, related lexical representations can influence the activation of the target lexical representation. The presence of two antagonistic processes, damping versus amplifying, are important in capturing decrements in performance and improvements in erformance, respectively. Damping activation is depicted in the model by inhibitory connections; amplifying activation is depicted by facilitory connections. An inhibitory connection damps the activation of the connected representation, thereby impeding that representation from reaching the activation threshold for recognition or production. In this case, recognition or production of the word would be slower or less accurate. In contrast, a facilitory connection amplifies the activation of the connected representation, thereby helping that representation reach the activation threshold for recognition or production.In this case, recognition or production of the word would be faster or more accurate. In Figures 1 and 2, inhibitory connections are depicted by lines terminating in filled circles and facilitory connections are depicted by lines terminating in arrows. Neighborhood membership is depicted by inhibitory connections between related lexical representations. For example, the lexical representation /sIt/ in Figure 1 has inhibitory connections to the lexical representations of all of its neighbors, such as /sut/, /pIt/, and /nIt/. Likewise, the lexical representation /Diz/ in Figure 2 has inhibitory onnections to its neighbors, such as /DoUz/, and /tiz/. Note that not all of the neighbors of sit and these are displayed in Figures 1 and 2 due to space limitations. For example, spit is omitted as a neighbor of sit. The strength of these connections are also based on the degree of association between words. Thus, wor ds that are more similar to one another will spread more activation between each other. In Figures 1 and 2, the strength of a connection is depicted by the thickness of the line. Heavier lines indicate stronger associations than lighter lines. Note that connections between lexical representations are all imilar in strength, as indicated by the uniform thickness of the lines. In Figure 1, the lexical representation /sIt/ has equally strong connections to /sut/, /pIt/, and /nIt/, as well as to all of its other neighbors. Similarly, in Figure 2, the lexical representation /Diz/ has equally strong connections to /DoUz/, /tiz/, and all of its neighbors. Thus, all neighbors of a word are considered equally related to the word. The importance of this architecture for perception and production is that the number of neighbors determines the degree of activation damping for the target word. A word like sit, which resides in a dense neighborhood, will eceive inhibition from many more words tha n a word like these, which resides in a sparse neighborhood. This leads to greater damping of activation for sit relative to these. As a result, a word from a dense neighborhood will be impeded in reaching the activation threshold for recognition or production. This claim is once again supported by data Figure 2. Illustration of a two-representation connectionist model of word processing for the word these. Lexical representations are illustrated with rectangles. The thickness of the rectangle indicates the resting threshold as determined by word frequency (e. g. these is frequent). Inhibitory connections between words are indicated by lines terminating in circles. The number of connections between words illustrates neighborhood density (e. g. , the neighborhood of these is sparse). Phonological representations are illustrated with circles. The thickness of the circle indicates the resting threshold based on phonotactic probability (e. g. , /D/, /i/, and /z/ are rare). Facilitory co nnections between sounds are indicated by lines terminating in arrows. The thickness of the connecting line indicates the strength of the relationship based on phonotactic probability (e. . , /Di/ and /iz/ are rare). 28 LANGUAGE, SPEECH, AND HEARING SERVICES IN SCHOOLS †¢ Vol. 33 †¢ 24–37 †¢ January 2002 from studies of word processing in adults. Adults recognize words from dense neighborhoods more slowly and less accurately than they do words from sparse neighborhoods (Luce & Pisoni, 1998; Luce, Pisoni, & Goldinger, 1990). Likewise, word pairs from dense neighborhoods are produced more slowly than are word pairs from sparse neighborhoods (Goldinger & Summers, 1989, but see Vitevitch, 2001a). 4 Phonological Representations The second type of representation in the model is the honological representation. It has been proposed that two aspects of the phonological representation are affected by phonotactic probability—resting threshold and connection strengt h. Considering resting threshold, recall that language experience alters resting threshold. As a result, sounds that are commonly encountered in recognition or production will likely have higher resting thresholds than those that are encountered rarely. In Figure 1, the phonological representation /s/, /I/, and /t/, has dark circles, indicating a higher resting threshold because these sounds commonly occur in the language.In contrast, in Figure 2, the phonological representation /D/, /i/, and /z/,5 has light circles, indicating a lower resting threshold because these sounds rarely occur. This difference in resting threshold indicates that common sounds are more activated at rest than are rare sounds. Consequently, common sounds should reach the activation threshold for recognition or production more rapidly than should rare sounds. Turning to connection strength, each sound has a facilitory connection to sounds that it may co-occur with, and the strength of these connections may be altered by language experience. When sounds are commonly encountered ogether in word processing, it is thought that the connection between the two sounds is strengthened. In this way, the model captures how an adult or child would learn the phonotactic probability of the language through experience. In Figure 1, the phonological representation /s/ has a strong facilitory connection to that of /I/ because these sounds commonly occur together in words of the language. In contrast, in Figure 2, the phonological representation of /I/ has a weak facilitory connection to that of /i/, because these rarely occur together. Because the strength of the facilitory connection determines how much ctivation will spread to the related sound, sound sequences with strong facilitory connections, namely common sound sequences, should reach the activation threshold for recognition or production more rapidly than should sound sequences with weak facilitory connections, namely, rare sound sequences. The i nfluence of phonotactic probability on resting threshold and connection strength leads to the prediction that common sound sequences should be recognized or produced more rapidly than rare sound sequences. Support for this hypothesis is found in studies of spoken word processing by adults. In fact, adults recognize common ound sequences more rapidly than they do rare sound sequences (Vitevitch & Luce, 1998, 1999; Vitevitch, Luce, Charles-Luce, & Kemmerer, 1997). A similar pattern is observed in speech production, where adults are faster to name a word if it is composed of a common sound sequence rather than a rare sound sequence (Levelt & Wheeldon, 1994). Interactions Between Lexical and Phonological Representations Turning to the interaction between lexical and phonological representations, it is important to note that there are facilitory connections between lexical and phonological representations.That is, /sIt/ has facilitory connections to /s/, /I/, and /t/, whereas /Diz/ is co nnected to /D/, /i/, and /z/. The lexical representations of the neighbors of /sIt/ and /Diz/ also have connections to phonological representations, but not all of these connections are shown in Figures 1 and 2 because it becomes difficult to follow the connections when all are presented together. For example, /sut/ should have facilitory connections to /s/ and /t/, but these are not displayed in Figure 1. The implication of these lexicalphonological connections is that once a lexical representation is activated, it will also activate its corresponding honological representation. Activation can also occur in the opposite direction, with a phonological representation activating corresponding lexical representations. These connections between lexical and phonological representations allow for interactions between lexical and phonological processing. One way that the interaction between lexical and phonological representations has been investigated in the fully developed system of adul ts is by considering the unique relationship between neighborhood density, a lexical variable, and phonotactic probability, a phonological variable. Namely, words from dense neighborhoods tend to e composed of common sound sequences, and words from sparse neighborhoods tend to be composed of rare sound sequences (Vitevitch, Luce, Pisoni, & Auer, 1999). The evidence detailed in the previous sections indicated that dense neighborhoods slow spoken word processing, whereas common sound sequences speed word processing. Given the association between neighborhood density and phonotactic probability, the inhibitory effect of neighborhood density and the facilitory effect of phonotactic probability would seem incompatible. If the two factors are associated, how is it that one aids word recognition and production but the ther interferes with it? If one appeals to the variable of neighborhood density, one would predict that processing of a word from a dense neighborhood, such as sit, would be 4In some cases, asymmetries have been noted in the effect of neighborhood density across perception and production. In fact, some models predict that dense neighborhoods should facilitate production (see MacKay, 1987; Vitevitch, 2001a). 5Note that computations of phonotactic probability are based on a 20,000- word dictionary generally consisting of uninflected word forms (see also Jusczyk et al. , 1994; Luce et al. 2000; Storkel, 2001; Storkel & Rogers, 2000; Vitevitch & Luce, 1998, 1999). Therefore, /z/ is considered to occur infrequently in uninflected word forms, although it may occur often as a plural morpheme. The status of lexical representations of inflected words is an open question. Storkel †¢ Morrisette: The Lexicon and Phonology 29 inhibited relative to a word from a sparse neighborhood, such as these. In contrast, if one appeals to the variable of phonotactic probability, one would predict that processing of a word having a common sound sequence, such as sit, would be facilitated relative to a word having a rare sound equence, such as these. How can processing of sit be both inhibited and facilitated? This paradox may be resolved by appealing to the tworepresentation model. If one type of representation is able to dominate word processing in a given context, this will dictate whether an inhibitory or facilitory effect is observed. The lexical status of the stimulus is predicted to influence the effect of neighborhood density and phonotactic probability on processing. In particular, lexical processing is predicted to dominate language tasks involving real words because real words have a lexical representation.In contrast, phonological processing is predicted to dominate language tasks involving nonwords because nonwords have no lexical representation. This prediction is borne out by evidence from studies of spoken word processing by adults. In fact, recognition of real words from dense neighborhoods is inhibited relative to real words from spar se neighborhoods, supporting the dominance of lexical processing (Vitevitch & Luce, 1998, 1999). In complement, recognition of nonwords composed of common sound sequences is facilitated relative to nonwords composed of rare sound sequences, supporting the dominance f phonological processing (Vitevitch & Luce, 1998, 1999). Because spoken word processing typically involves real words, lexical processing generally should dominate recognition and production (but see Vitevitch, 2001b). APPLICATION TO DEVELOPMENT The two-representation model seems to capture lexical and phonological influences on perception and production successfully in the fully developed system of adults. Can this model be applied to perception and production in the developing system of infants and children? To address this question, evidence of how the lexicon influences spoken word processing in infants and children is reviewed and ompared to the findings from adults. If the findings from the developing system parall el those from the fully developed system, then the two-representation model may easily be extended to the developing system. In contrast, if word processing in the developing system differs from word processing in the fully developed system, then the tworepresentation model may require modification before application to the developing system. This question is important because it bears on the issue of whether the tworepresentation model may offer insights into learning and clinical practice. Studies of the developing language system provide urther insight into the role of word frequency and neighborhood density in spoken word processing. Perception studies with infants have investigated aspects of the spoken input that infants attend to while building the mental lexicon (see Jusczyk, 1997 for review). In one representative study of word frequency, infants were exposed to sets of words that were frequently repeated in stories versus other sets of words that were infrequently repeated (Hohne, Jusczyk, & Rendanz, 1994; Jusczyk & Aslin, 1995). Results indicated that infants preferred listening to the frequently occurring words in the story. This finding suggests that nfants have the ability to attend to specific words in the input. Moreover, the infants in the study were able to differentiate words based on their frequency of occurrence. Word frequency has also been shown to influence young children’s production accuracy of target sounds. Leonard and Ritterman (1971) found that 7-year-old children had better production accuracy of target /s/ sounds in frequent versus infrequent words in the language (but see Moore, Burke, & Adams, 1976). Computational studies of young children have further explored the structure of words in the early lexicon relative to neighborhood density.These studies used receptive and expressive estimates of young children’s lexicons. One important finding was that young children have relatively sparse neighborhoods in compariso n to older children and adults (Charles-Luce & Luce, 1990, 1995; Logan, 1992). That is, a word in a young child’s lexicon would have fewer neighbors than that same word in an older child’s or an adult’s lexicon. Neighborhood density may increase across the lifespan as more phonetically similar words are added to the lexicon (Logan, 1992). This finding led to the hypothesis that young children se global recognition strategies to identify words (Charles- Luce & Luce, 1990, 1995). Because neighborhoods are so sparse, all of the fine-grained phonetic contrasts of language may not be necessary to uniquely disambiguate one word from another. Alternatively, it has been argued that children do rely on fine-grained recognition strategies (Dollaghan, 1994). The basis for this comes from the fact that young children do differentiate between minimally and phonetically similar words of the input. Even a word that has only one neighbor must still require fine-grained coding o n the part of the child for accurate recognition.Although these views about whether children use global or finegrained recognition strategies remain at odds, it is clear that the structure of words in the lexicon appears to be critically linked to the nature of a child’s phonological representations. Taken together, these findings support that a word’s frequency and its neighborhood density play a similar role in fully developed and developing lexicons. In the developing language system, sensitivity to phonotactic probability emerges early, with phonotactic probability influencing perception in a manner similar to adults.In perceptual tasks, 9-month-old infants listen longer to lists of words composed of common sound sequences than to those composed of rare sound sequences (Jusczyk et al. , 1994). Moreover, infants appear to acquire phonotactic probability rapidly in controlled listening conditions (Aslin, Saffran, & Newport, 1998; Saffran, Aslin, & Newport, 1996). Aft er listening to strings of nonsense syllables for a short period of time, 8-month-old infants are able to discriminate syllable sequences that commonly co-occur from those that rarely co-occur. That is, syllables that commonly co-occurred in the speech 0 LANGUAGE, SPEECH, AND HEARING SERVICES IN SCHOOLS †¢ Vol. 33 †¢ 24–37 †¢ January 2002 sample were treated as a whole word; syllables that rarely co-occurred were not treated as a whole word. The evidence indicates that infants may learn the likelihood of occurrence of sound sequences in the ambient language, and then they use this to parse continuous speech into individual words. Sensitivity to phonotactic probability continues into childhood, as shown in metalinguistic, perceptual, and production tasks. In metalinguistic tasks, children and adolescents are able to differentiate sound sequences that re legal in their language from those that are illegal (Messer, 1967; Pertz & Bever, 1975). Children, like adults , seem to have intuitions about phonotactics (e. g. , Vitevitch et al. , 1997). Perceptual and production studies provide evidence that children are also sensitive to the more finegrained distinction of common versus rare sound sequences. Relative to perceptual evidence, children rapidly extract the phonotactic probabilities of continuous strings of nonsense syllables. Like infants, children treat strings of syllables that commonly co-occur as an entire word and strings of yllables that rarely co-occur as a part of a word (Saffran, Newport, Aslin, Tunick, & Barrueco, 1997). In production, children are more accurate at producing sound sequences that are permissible in the ambient language than those that are not (Messer, 1967). Moreover, children are more accurate at repeating common rather than rare sound sequences (Beckman & Edwards, 1999). Likewise, when given a list of nonwords to remember, children recall more nonwords if the list contains common sound sequences than if it conta ins rare sound sequences (Gathercole, Frankish, Pickering, & Peaker, 1999).In childhood, sensitivity to phonotactic probability remains and appears to influence spoken word processing in a manner that parallels the fully developed adult system. The effects of word frequency, neighborhood density, and phonotactic probability on language perception and production in the developing system parallel those in the fully developed system. In terms of lexical variables, across the lifespan, processing of frequent words was facilitated relative to infrequent words, and processing of words from dense neighborhoods was inhibited relative to words from sparse neighborhoods. In terms of phonological variables, cross the lifespan, common sound sequences were recognized and produced more rapidly than were rare sound sequences. Given the similarity between the adult and child findings, it appears that the two-representation model can be applied to perception and production by children. APPLICATION T O LEARNING Because the two-representation model captures perception and production by children, it may also provide insights into learning by children. In the following two sections, insights of the two-representation model for sound change and word learning will be offered and evaluated relative to current findings.The studies reviewed focus on interactions between the lexicon and phonology in preschool and school-age children who have lexicons with many more than 50 words. These investigations provide evidence of whether lexical-phonological interactions continue in development beyond the 50-word stage. Promoting Sound Change When a sound is unknown, the child presumably will have no ambient, or adult-like, phonological representation for the target sound. In some cases, treatment may be needed to promote sound change. The goal of treatment then is to create an ambient phonological representation for the nknown sound, often by presenting the target sound in words and providing fee dback regarding production accuracy. Given the absence of an ambient phonological representation, lexical processing is predicted to dominate sound learning in this treatment context. Thus, lexical representations may influence the success of phonological treatment. In particular, treatment of the sound in frequent words should promote sound change relative to infrequent words. Furthermore, embedding the sound in words from dense neighborhoods should inhibit learning when compared to treatment of the sound in words from sparse neighborhoods.An experimental treatment study by Gierut, Morrisette, and Champion (1999) examined the role of lexical variables in phonological treatment (see also Morrisette & Gierut, in press). Twelve children with functional phonological delays, aged 3;0 (years;months) to 7;4, participated in an alternating treatments design to promote sound change. The characteristics of word frequency and neighborhood density were manipulated experimentally. Experimental conditions included treatment of all possible combinations of frequent/ infrequent words from dense/sparse neighborhoods. Each child was taught two sounds affiliated with the lexical haracteristics of the assigned conditions. For example, a child assigned to the frequent versus infrequent condition was taught one sound in frequent words and another sound in infrequent words. Treated sounds were excluded from the pretreatment inventory and were produced with 0% accuracy. Generalization accuracy in production of the treated sounds to untreated words and contexts was measured as the dependent variable and submitted to statistical analysis. Treatment conditions and corresponding results are shown in Table 1. Results revealed that for the lexical characteristic of ord frequency, phonological treatment using frequent words induced significantly greater generalization learning than did treatment of infrequent words. For neighborhood density, treatment in words from sparse neighborhoods ind uced significantly greater generalization learning than did treatment in words from dense neighborhoods. When the frequency conditions were compared to the density conditions, treatment in both frequent and infrequent words resulted in significantly greater generalization learning than did treatment in words from dense neighborhoods. Further, treatment in frequent and infrequent words resulted in reater or equivalent generalization learning than treatment of words from sparse neighborhoods. Overall, the characteristic of word frequency was most salient in inducing phonological change as compared to neighborhood density. Moreover, in every comparative Storkel †¢ Morrisette: The Lexicon and Phonology 31 condition, frequent words consistently facilitated sound change, whereas words from dense neighborhoods consistently failed to promote generalization learning. These results were replicated by Morrisette and Gierut (in press) and are consistent with the predictions of the two-repr esentation model.Frequent words in the language consistently emerged as facilitating spoken word processing and learning, whereas words from dense neighborhoods in the language consistently emerged as inhibiting spoken word processing and learning. Moreover, phonological learning by preschool children was influenced by the lexicon, paralleling previous findings from much younger children. Novel Word Learning Applying the two-representation model to novel word learning, a child presumably will have no corresponding lexical representation for a newly encountered word. In the absence of a lexical representation, the two-representation odel predicts that phonological processing will be most influential. Thus, phonological processing is hypothesized to influence the creation of a lexical representation for the novel word. Because phonological processing is facilitated for common over rare sound sequences, children should learn novel words composed of common sound sequences more rapidly t han they should those composed of rare sound sequences. Storkel and Rogers (2000) provided a direct test of this hypothesis that phonotactic probability should influence word learning. Typically developing school-age children from three age groups, age 7, 10, and 11, participated in a onword learning task, where half of the nonwords were composed of common sound sequences and half were composed of rare sound sequences. The target nonwords were associated with unfamiliar objects. Children were exposed to the nonword-object pairs in a lecture format, and referent identification was tested immediately following exposure. The results showed a significant interaction between phonotactic probability and age. The two older groups of children learned more common than rare sound sequences; the youngest group of children showed no difference in learning common versus rare sound sequences.This interaction between phonotactic probability and age was not predicted and was further investigated in a second study (Storkel, 2001). In Storkel (2001), word learning by preschool children was investigated in a multi-trial word learning paradigm. In particular, nonword learning was assessed in several tasks emphasizing either form or referent learning at multiple points in time. Preschool children were exposed to nonwords: Half were composed of common sound sequences and half were composed of rare sound sequences. The nonwords served as names for nonsense objects. The nonword-object pairs were mbedded in a story containing multiple story episodes with learning being assessed after each episode. Results showed that across measures of learning and exposures, preschool children learned more nonwords composed of common rather than rare sound sequences. Across the two studies, younger and older children seemed to learn novel words composed of common sound sequences more rapidly than they did those composed of rare sound sequences, supporting the predictions of the two-representation mod el. As in language perception and production tasks that are dominated by phonological processing, word learning was facilitated for common ound sequences relative to rare. Phonological characteristics appeared to play a role in word learning by preschool and school-age children, complementing previous findings with younger children. Phonology appeared to influence lexical development beyond the 50-word stage. Moreover, various aspects of phonology seem to impact development of the lexicon, including the child’s phonetic inventory and the phonotactic probability of the novel word (Leonard et al. , 1981; Schwartz & Leonard, 1982; Storkel, 2001; Storkel & Rogers, 2000). CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS The finding of a continued interaction between the exicon and phonology in children who have surpassed the 50-word threshold has clinical implications for children with functional phonological delays and children with specific language impairment. Children with functional phonological delays reportedly have a primary delay in the acquisition of phonology. Given the evidence documenting an interaction between the lexicon and phonology, lexical characteristics may play a role in promoting sound change. In contrast, children with specific language impairment appear to exhibit delays in lexical acquisition (e. g. , Dollaghan, 1987; Oetting, Rice, & Swank, 1995; Rice,Buhr, & Nemeth, 1990; Rice & Woodsmall, 1988). Phonological variables may provide insights in the diagnosis and treatment of delays in word learning. Children With Functional Phonological Delays The results of Gierut and colleagues (1999) indicate that lexical variables of target words do appear to influence the Table 1. Experimental results of the Gierut et al. (1999) study. Treatment condition Generalization results Frequent versus infrequent Frequent > infrequent Dense versus sparse Sparse > dense Frequent versus dense Frequent > dense Infrequent versus dense Infrequent > denseFrequent versus sparse Frequent = sparse Infrequent versus sparse Infrequent sparse Note. The symbol â€Å">† indicates â€Å"greater than† (e. g. , treatment of sounds in frequent words resulted in significantly greater generalization learning than infrequent words). The symbol â€Å"? † indicates â€Å"greater than or equivalent† (e. g. , treatment of sounds in infrequent words resulted in greater or equivalent generalization learning than sparse words). The symbol â€Å"=† indicates â€Å"equivalent† (e. g. , treatment of sounds in frequent words resulted in generalization learning that was equivalent to sparse words). 2 LANGUAGE, SPEECH, AND HEARING SERVICES IN SCHOOLS †¢ Vol. 33 †¢ 24–37 †¢ January 2002 process of sound change in treatment for children with functional phonological delays. When children were taught sounds in frequently occurring words, they made significant gains in their production accuracy of the target sound. In contrast, whe n children were taught sounds in words from dense neighborhoods, they failed to learn the treated sound. This suggests that phonological treatment should focus on frequent words in the language and avoid the use of words from dense neighborhoods. These results have direct linical implications for the kinds of words that should be selected for phonological treatment. A sample of treatment words is presented in Table 2. These words were adapted from the Morrisette and Gierut (in press) study and are consistent with procedures for the selection of treatment words in the Gierut et al. (1999) study. In this sample, the target fricative /f/ was taught in the word-initial position of frequent words in the language. Word frequency counts were obtained from KucUera and Francis (1967); neighborhood density values came from a computational database of 20,000 English words (Nusbaum et al. 1984). Frequency counts and density values are more generally available for clinical use through the online Neighborhood Database at http://www. artsci. wustl. edu/ ~msommers. Operational definitions for frequent versus infrequent and dense versus sparse neighborhoods were consistent with previous investigations of word frequency in phonological acquisition (e. g. , Morrisette, 1999). Frequent words were selected based on a word frequency count greater than 100. Thus, all of the words in Table 2 have a word frequency greater than 100. Further, because a word has both a frequency and a density, the words were alanced for neighborhood density. Half of the words came from dense neighborhoods, with 10 or more neighbors, and half of the words came from sparse neighborhoods, with fewer than 10 neighbors. Following from the Gierut et al. (1999) and Morrisette and Gierut (in press) studies, treated words were pictured on a computer screen and elicited through drill activities. Children attended three 1-hour treatment sessions each week and proceeded through two phases of treatment— imitat ion and spontaneous production. During the imitation phase, the child named the treated words following a clinician’s model.Imitation continued until the child achieved 75% production accuracy of the target sound across two consecutive sessions or until seven sessions were completed, whichever came first. During the spontaneous phase, the child named the treated words without a model. This phase continued until the child achieved 90% production accuracy of the target sound across three consecutive sessions or until twelve sessions were completed, whichever came first. Feedback related to the accuracy of the child’s production of the target sound was provided during both phases. Generalization learning for each child was monitored hrough spontaneous picture-naming tasks or probes. These probes were designed to sample the treated sound and other untreated sounds that were excluded from the child’s pretreatment sound inventory in untreated words and across contexts . Probes were administered throughout treatment, immediately following treatment, and at 2 weeks and 2 months posttreatment. Percentages of accuracy were then calculated and plotted as generalization learning curves. Thus, based on results from Gierut et al. (1999), it is predicted that phonological treatment using the frequent words illustrated in Table 2 would result in generalization f /f/ to untreated words and contexts. It should be noted that although half of the frequent words selected were from dense neighborhoods, the consistent variable was word frequency. Treatment programs consisting of words that are all from dense neighborhoods should be avoided. Based on the Gierut et al. (1999) study, treatment in words from dense neighborhoods resulted in minimal or no learning of the treated sound. Children With Specific Language Impairment The results of Storkel (2001) suggest that the phonological characteristics of novel words influence lexical acquisition. Thus, clinically, it may be important to consider honotactic probability in the diagnosis and treatment of delays in lexical acquisition in children with specific language impairment. These children may have difficulty learning phonotactic probability due to either perceptual processing deficits (Ellis Weismer & Hesketh, 1996, 1998) or limited lexical exemplars resulting from delays in language acquisition. Children with specific language impairment may fail to show a learning advantage for common over rare sound sequences. In support of this hypothesis, Storkel reported that increased vocabulary size was correlated with an increased learning advantage for ommon over rare sound sequences in children with ageappropriate lexical development. Delays in word learning and a decreased effect of phonotactic probability may go hand in hand. As a result, it may be necessary to examine the influence of phonotactic probability on word learning in this population. Unfortunately, standardized measures of vocabulary may not be sensitive to the factors that affect word learning because these tests examine the products of learning rather than the process itself. Therefore, clinicians may need to construct tasks that investigate the process of word learning to provide further insights into the factors hat contribute to a particular child’s poor word learning ability. Here, guidance is provided by past experimental Table 2. Sample of frequent treatment words. Word Word frequency Neighborhood density fine 161 28 full 230 15 feed 123 19 far 427 18 family 331 0 field 274 9 final 156 6 forward 115 0 Note. Neighborhood density counts in bold indicate words from dense neighborhoods. Storkel †¢ Morrisette: The Lexicon and Phonology 33 studies that have employed procedures that may be adapted for clinical use. In particular, the procedures used in Storkel (2001) may be appropriate. This multi-trial word earning paradigm was administered individually in one 30- minute session with a follow-up 10 -minute session to examine retention. Thus, the time commitment is similar to other standardized test protocols. Moreover, Storkel and Rogers (2000) successfully administered their word learning task to groups of students in a classroom. There are several important steps in constructing a measure of word learning: (a) identifying the stimuli to be learned, (b) exposing the child to the stimuli, and (c) measuring learning. Each step will be described in turn. Stimuli. Identification of the stimuli to be learned nvolves choosing nonwords or unknown real words and associating these with referents. In Storkel (2001), nonwords were selected as stimuli so that the phonological characteristics could be controlled. Specifically, all nonwords were composed of early acquired consonants that were articulated correctly by the participating children. This guarded against the influence of misarticulation on word learning (Leonard et al. , 1981; Schwartz & Leonard, 1982). Half of the nonwords were composed of common sound sequences and half were composed of rare sound sequences. Calculation of phonotactic probability is complex and equires access to a database; however, several published studies provide lists of common versus rare nonwords (e. g. , Jusczyk et al. , 1994; Storkel, 2001; Storkel & Rogers, 2000; Vitevitch & Luce, 1999) or words (e. g. , Vitevitch & Luce, 1999). The nonwords used in Storkel are shown in Table 3. The nonwords were paired with object referents to parallel real words. Novel objects were invented or adapted from published children’s stories. Objects were selected in pairs from the same semantic category. Each object from a semantic pair was associated with either a common or a rare sound sequence.In this way, semantic and conceptual factors were similar across the levels of phonotactic probability. A description of the objects is provided in Table 3. Exposure. For exposure, the nonword-object pairs were embedded in a story containing three st ory episodes. Pictures were adapted from children’s stories (Mayer, 1993) to show two main characters interacting with one another and with the nonsense objects. Semantically paired objects were shown in the same picture, with each being associated with a different main character. A story narrative was created to accompany the story pictures. The narrative is shown in the Appendix.Note that the exposure sentences were matched across common and rare sound sequences. For example, in the first episode, the exposure sentence for the common sound sequence /pin/ is â€Å"My favorite is the pin† and for the rare sound sequence /mOId/ is â€Å"My favorite is the mOId. † This matching of sentences was intended to equate syntactic factors across the levels of phonotactic probability. Another feature of the story narrative was that the number of times the nonwords were repeated varied across the episodes. That is, the children heard each nonword one time in Episode 1, but three times in Episodes 2 and 3.Given that children with specific language impairment reportedly need more exposures to learn novel words, it may be necessary to increase the number of repetitions of the nonwords for this clinical population. This could be accomplished by revising the story narrative or by having the child listen to the narrative twice. Measurement. Storkel (2001) measured learning after each story episode. Three measures of learning were obtained: referent identification, form identification, and picture naming. In the referent identification task, a nonword was presented and the child attempted to select he object from a field of three picture choices that included the target, the semantically related referent, and a semantically unrelated referent presented in the story. For the target nonword /pin/, the child saw pictures of both candy machines and a picture of one of the pets. In the form identification task, an object was presented and the child attempted to s elect the nonword from a field of three Table 3. The phonetic transcription of the common and rare sound sequences and their corresponding referents as invented or adapted from published children’s stories. Form characteristics Referent characteristicsCommon Rare Category Item 1 Item 2 w I t n aU b Toys punch toy cork gun (Geisel & Geisel, (Geisel & Geisel, 1958, p. 53) 1958, p. 45) h ? p g i m Horns orange trumpet yellow hand-held downward orientation tuba (Geisel & Geisel, (Geisel & Geisel, 1954, p. 50) 1954, p. 50) p i n m OI d Candy machines red candy + 1 chute blue candy + 2 chutes (invented) (invented) k oU f j eI p Pets green gerbil with antenna purple mouse-bat (DeBrunhoff, 1981, p. 132) (Mayer, 1992, p. 43) 34 LANGUAGE, SPEECH, AND HEARING SERVICES IN SCHOOLS †¢ Vol. 33 †¢ 24–37 †¢ January 2002 choices. The choices paralleled those of the referent dentification task. For example, the child was shown a picture of one of the candy machines and hea rd three possible names, /pin/, /mOId/, and /koUf/. As each nonword was played, the investigator pointed to one of three squares. The child then pointed to the square associated with his or her answer. In the picture-naming task, an object was presented and the child attempted to produce the nonword. Again, the child might see a picture of one of the candy machines, but this time be asked to produce the nonword associated with the object with no choices or prompting provided by the investigator.Following administration of these procedures, proportion correct can then be computed for common versus rare sound sequences at each test point (Episode 1, Episode 2, Episode 3) for each measure of learning (referent identification, form identification, picture naming). Difference scores can then be computed by subtracting proportion correct for rare sound sequences from proportion correct for common sound sequences. If there is an advantage of common over rare sound sequences, the resulting number will be positive. This would parallel the findings for typically developing children (Storkel, 2001; Storkel & Rogers, 2000).If there is no difference between common and rare sound sequences, then the resulting number will be zero. If there is a disadvantage of common relative to rare sound sequences, the resulting number will be negative. In either of these last two cases, the result would differ from those reported for typically developing children. This would suggest that one contributing factor to the child’s difficulties with word learning may be difficulty using phonological information to support word learning. CONCLUSION The findings reviewed support the hypothesis that the lexicon and phonology seem to continue to influence one nother even after the 50-word threshold has been surpassed. In particular, the relationship in preschool and school-age children appeared to be bidirectional in nature, with the lexicon influencing phonological acquisition and phonology influencing lexical acquisition. 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